SENATE.] The Tariff. [JAN. 16, 1832. be seen that the effect of substituting a home market in grievously oppressed by an unwise and unconstitutional the place of a foreign market for our cotton, would be to system, are clamoring at your doors for justice, while deprive us entirely of a market for three-fourths of our another portion, supposing that they are enjoying rich productions. This result is inevitable, unless the domestic bounties under it, are treating their complaints with scorn manufacturer can enter into competition with the British and contempt. God only knows where all this is to end. in foreign markets-an idea altogether too extravagant to But it will not, and it cannot, come to good." We at be worthy of serious notice; for surely if any thing can the South still call you our brethren, and have ever be considered certain, we may safely assume that articles cherished towards you the strongest feelings of affection; which cannot be manufactured at home, without a pro- but were you the brothers of our blood, for whom we tecting duty of from fifty to one hundred per cent., cannot should coin our hearts, it is not in human nature that we enter into competition with foreign manufactures in the should long continue to retain for you undiminished affecmarkets of the world, where they will, of course, have tion, when all hope of redress shall have passed away, and no protection whatever. But to return to the condition we shall continue to believe that you are visiting us with a of the North under the protecting policy. If the rich hard and cruel oppression, and enforcing a cold, heartless, fruits of the system in that quarter were greater even than and selfish policy. they are alleged to be, I should still think that they have I shall now proceed, Mr. President, to examine the been purchased at too dear a rate. It has even there character of the protecting system. And here I shall depressed our commerce, disturbed all the relations of assume, that the protection it extends to the American society, and had a tendency to produce that inequality of manufactures is something substantial, and affords some fortunes which may, one day or other, be fatal to the advantage, be it more or less, to the protected interests. liberties of this country. I shall take it for granted that it is intended to enable the Surveying, with the feelings of an American, the actual American manufacturers to enter into that successful comcondition of things, I should certainly be disposed to ex-petition with the foreign, which they could not do without change all the blessings which the protecting system has such protection; that the effect of the system is to enable produced, even in New England, for those which it has the American manufacturer to obtain more for his goods destroyed. In the place of the splendid villages, flourish than he could otherwise command. In a word, that it ing manufactories, joint stock companies, and lordly pro-affords substantial protection, and is not like that extendprietors, clothed in fine linen, and faring sumptuously ed to cotton-a mere name. For, on this latter point, let every day, as a patriot, I should be disposed to say, give it be remembered that the first cotton produced in this me back the ships which have been destroyed, the mer-country found a market abroad; and that, even now, nearly chants which have been reduced to bankruptcy, the sailors the whole of it is disposed of in Europe, where it maintains that have been forced into foreign service, the "plunder- a successful competition against all the world. It is idle, ed ploughmen and beggared yeomanry," who have been therefore, to talk of the benefit of a protecting duty to driven from the pursuits of their choice into the gloomy cotton at home. It is beyond all dispute, sir, that, if any walls of a manufactory; give me back these; and, above duty be necessary to protection, it can only be because all, give me back content; restore the peace and harmony it enables the manufacturer to sell his goods for more which this system has destroyed, and I will consent that than he could otherwise obtain for them. Now, in this every manufacturing establishment shall be razed to its view of the subject, let us see how the question will stand." foundation, which has been built up, and can only be How must such a system operate? First, on the different sustained, by this accursed system. Sir, if wealth were interests, and, secondly, on the different sections of the the highest good of a nation, and pecuniary profit the country. We will assume that a particular manufacture only standard by which a wise policy could be measured, cannot be produced in the country, within fifty per cent. it would even then be more than questionable how far as cheaply at home, as the same article could be obtained this system could be justified. But there are higher and from abroad, and that a duty which, with charges, should more sacred principles involved in this question, which be equal to about fifty per cent. was absolutely necessary cannot be safely disregarded; there are considerations of to introduce and to sustain it. Such a duty must operate as justice and political equality, which rise far above all a tax on every other class in the community, for the calculations of mere profit and loss. Sir, what will it benefit of the manufacturer; and, supposing it to be improfit you if you gain the whole world, and lose the posed, not for revenue, but protection, would be a double hearts of your people? This is a confederated Government, tax. Suppose the value of the imported article to be a founded on a spirit of mutual conciliation, concession, million of dollars, the duty would be half a million; and if and compromise; and it is neither a just, prudent, nor the protection amounted to an equal sum, here would be a rightful exercise of the high trust with which you are tax of a million of dollars imposed upon the whole people, invested for the common good, to resort to a system of to secure a bounty of half a million to one portion of them. legislation by which benefits and burdens are unequally But it is said the bounty is not confined to the manufacturdistributed. Sir, can any gentleman look this subject ers-that other classes participate. I admit that there is a fairly in the face, and not perceive that such a Government circle embraced within the range of the manufacturing as ours (instituted for a few definite purposes, in which influence, that partake of the benefits of the system. every portion of the Union must, from the very nature of Farmers in the neighborhood, who supply the operatives things, have a common interest) cannot turn aside from with food-mechanics, who construct the buildings and their high duties, and undertake to control the domestic machinery-clergymen, physicians, lawyers, and others, industry of individuals, without undermining the very who make up a manufacturing village, all come in for a foundations of our republican system? It is contrary to share of the gains, and constitute, in fact, the protected the whole genius and character of our institutions, the class which enjoy the benefits of the system; but all other very form and structure of our Government, that it should classes in the community must obviously be laid under undertake to regulate the whole labor and capital of this contribution, to make that a profitable, which would extensive country. A perseverance in this course will otherwise be an unprofitable pursuit; and, in the case assow the seeds of dissension broadcast throughout the land; sumed, would be taxed to the amount of one million of and let it be remembered that discord is not a plant of dollars, to secure to the favored class a bounty of half a slow growth, but one that flourishes in every soil, and million. Now suppose, sir, such a system as this to be never fails to produce its fruit in due season. What a extended to all the cottons, woollens, iron, and sugar, spectacle do you even now exhibit to the world? A large made in any country, and we will take that country to be portion of your fellow-citizens, believing themselves to be the United States. We will suppose, further, that cottons JAN. 16, 1832.] The Tariff [SENATE. could not be profitably manufactured without a protecting be necessary. It may be that in the very infancy of a duty of from twenty-five to a hundred per cent.; woollens manufacture, on its first introduction into a country, a from forty-five to two hundred per cent.; iron from one small protection for a short time might hasten its advancehundred to two hundred per cent.; sugar from one ment; but, at most, the withholding of such protection hundred to one hundred and fifty per cent.; and that could have no other effect than to delay its introduction these duties were accordingly imposed on these several for a few years; for the existence, in any country, of unarticles, (amounting in the whole to the sum of nine mil-employed capital, and individual sagacity and enterprise lions of dollars annually;) that, in consequence of these sufficient to direct it prudently, would soon lead to the duties, the protection on all the cottons manufactured in introduction of every branch of manufactures for which the country was equal to three cents a yard, and amount- such country was really prepared. But this stage of ined to six millions of dollars per annum-woollens to eight fancy once passed, it is preposterous to talk of the necesmillions-iron to one million-and sugar to a million and sity of protecting any article that can really be made as a half-producing, as the result of the whole system, a cheaply at home as it can be obtained from abroad; and tax of nine millions on the foreign article, to secure a to assert that to reduce such protection to twenty or thirty bounty of sixteen millions and a half to the home manu- per cent. would be ruinous to any manufacture, is to facturers. I have supposed protection to be the exclusive admit at once that such article cannot be profitably object of this system, and it then clearly follows that all made at home, and consequently that it can only be susother classes would be taxed twenty-five millions of dollars tained at the expense of the other interests in the commuper annum, in order to secure to the favored class a pro-nity. Now, sir, let us suppose another case, and it is tection of sixteen millions. The Government would, unhappily the very case which now exists in the United indeed, receive its nine millions: but it would be an ag- States. We will suppose an extensive country, of which gravation of the evils of the system, that this amount one portion is exclusively agricultural, and incapable of should be levied when it was not wanted, in order to changing its pursuits; and that the other portion embraces secure the protected classes in their monopoly. The rates within its limits all the manufactures and manufacturing of duties which I have here assumed, are those now actu- capacities of the whole country. The bounty would then ally imposed on the protected articles, (and which it is be exclusively enjoyed by one section, and the other proposed to retain as essential to protection,) and the would share only in the burdens of the system. To make amount of the protection enjoyed by the manufacturers is the inequality still greater, it is only necessary to suppose stated at the very lowest that has ever been estimated by that the agricultural section is not only incapable of maany person who has undertaken to examine the subject. nufacturing at home, but is prevented, by insuperable If you suppose half of the duty here stated to be necessary obstacles, from emigrating or removing their property to for revenue, this would not diminish the weight of the the manufacturing region; that their industry can only be burden, though it would lessen to that extent the injustice profitably employed in exchanging their agricultural of the tax; and let gentlemen make what deductions they productions for the very foreign articles which enter please, either from the duty imposed or the bounty re-into competition with the domestic manufactures, and ceived, and it will make no difference whatever in the which are heavily taxed for the protection of the latter; principle. Whether it be one million or twenty, just so that the effect of such tax is not only to interrupt the infar as the system is protective in its character, and imposes tercourse and impair the profits of their industry, but that any tax upon the foreign article, and affords any protec-the agricultural section is thereby exposed to the imminent tion whatever to the domestic, is the system a tax imposed hazard of having the market for their productions entirely upon the other classes to render profitable the industry of cut off; and, finally, to cap the climax of this injustice and the manufacturers. And when this tax amounts, as it un- oppression, that the taxes levied on the foreign articles questionably does in the case before us, at the very lowest are expended almost exclusively in the favored region; estimate, to twenty or thirty millions a year, it becomes a and you then have, Mr. President, the whole case of the scheme of monstrous injustice and oppression. Now let South spread open before you. Their pursuits are altous trace this system one step further. Suppose such a gether agricultural-they cannot change them--they cansystem applied to a country of a homogeneous character, not transfer their labor and capital to the favored regionwith the same capacity for manufacturing every where, they cannot find a market for their productions, except and that manufacturing establishments should consequent by exchanging them for the very foreign manufactures ly be equally diffused through every section. The bene- which are taxed almost to prohibition, and the taxes thus fits and the burdens of the system would, in such a case, raised are expended in other sections. Is there a man fall equally upon every portion of the country, though not in this assembly who can lay his hand upon his heart, and upon the different interests of the State. It has been said say that it is a just and equal system? It may be said, that, if the profits of manufactures were raised by such a however, that all this is merely the result of our peculiar system above the average of the profits of the whole condition, and the nature of our pursuits. It is not so, community, the labor and capital absorbed in other pur- sir. All we ask, is to be let alone. Leave us to the free suits would flow into the new employment, and that enjoyment of the bounties of heaven, and the advantages the whole would ultimately be equalized. Admit that in of our situation, and we ask no more. But where is the process of time this might be the result; yet it could not justice and equality of a system of legislation which is to take place at once, because men cannot transfer at plea- make profitable the industry of others by the destruction sure their labor and capital from their accustomed pursuits of our own? And by what right is it that we are to be made to others. But if the profits should be thus ultimately victims to the prosperity of others? I will here borrow an equalized in a particular community, yet, if the favored illustration to make this matter plain. The Southern States pursuit was only rendered profitable by the protection supply themselves with woollens, cottons, and iron, by raisextended to it, it is clear that the scheme would result ing cotton, rice, and tobacco. Now, suppose we should in an aggregate loss to the whole community, equal to exchange a bale of cotton for a bale of coarse woollens, for the full amount of the bounty. I have assumed the case of the use of our slaves, containing, we will say, a hundred an unprofitable pursuit being rendered profitable by the pieces. This bale of cloth is ours. It is the fruit of our protecting system, for to any other case the system is own labor, of American capital, and home industry. We wholly inapplicable. If the domestic manufacturer can may be said to have manufactured it, not with the spindle make his goods as cheaply, and supply the domestic mar- and the loom, but with the plough and the hoe. Now, ket on as favorable terms, as they could be obtained from sir, we will suppose that a Northern manufacturer has, abroad, then it is clear that no protection whatever would by the application of an equal amount of labor and capi SENATE.] The Tariff. [JAN. 16, 1832. A South tal, produced a similar bale of woollens, of precisely the "cruelty to slaves," and representing that a poor innosame quality and value. In what respect is the manufac- cent negro had recently been hanged in South Carolina turer entitled to be regarded with more favor than the for burning down a building by accident. I think, sir, planter? Does the freight which we may have paid to the gentleman will now himself admit that, to embrace this the ship owner, and the employment given to navigation, proposition, would only be, to use an old adage, “jumpentitle us to less favor in the eyes of the Government? ing out of the fryingpan into the fire." The last remedy Are the plough and the hoe less favored instruments of suggested by the gentleman is, that we should " supply production than the spindle and the loom? Perfect equa- ourselves with household manufactures." What, sir, give Îity, sir, would seem to require that we should stand, at up our foreign trade! Abandon our agricultural pursuits, least, on the same footing, and that, whether these wool- and involve the whole Southern country in desolation and lens were wanted for consumption or for sale, they should ruin! Are we to be driven from the pursuits of our choice, be subjected to exactly the same tax. But how are we in order to promote the industry of the manufacturers? treated by a just and paternal Government, who careth, The case which I have stated, of the bale of woollens, we are told, equally for all her children? Our bale of illustrates the unequal operation of this system upon the woollens is stopped at the custom-house, and forty pieces agricultural industry of the South, and the manufacturing are taken out as a tax to the Government, whereby our industry of the North. What is true of a single bale, is stock is reduced to sixty pieces, while the bale of the true of the whole amount of foreign importations which manufacturer is free from all taxation. If these articles are taxed for the protection of the domestic manufacture; are wanted for our own consumption, we can consume true of the eight millions of imports received in exchange but sixty pieces; while the manufacturer retains his hun- for the production of South Carolina; and of the forty dred pieces. If the goods are wanted for sale, we have millions received in exchange for the productions of but sixty pieces to be converted into money, or to be ex- the plantation States, or, at least, of so much thereof changed for other commodities; while the manufacturer as embrace the protected articles. Our Northern friends has his hundred pieces for the same purposes; and if we say, however, that part of our cotton and rice belongs to should happen to meet at the same market, as the two them. Be it so. Whatever remains to us, and is rightarticles must sell at the same price, being of the same fully ours, is subjected to the unequal system which I quality, the manufacturer will, of course, realize forty have above described. Sir, it is put beyond all dispute, per cent. more than the planter. Now, sir, what are we that the agricultural industry of the South is taxed, uneto do in this dilemma? How are we to escape this une- qually, unjustly, enormously taxed in its foreign exchanges, qual burden? The Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. CLAY,] in order to render profitable the manufacturing induson a former occasion, taxed his ingenuity to provide us try of the North. Taxed, I will not say to what exthe means of escape; and I must presume that, if his inge- tent, but precisely to the amount of the duty imposed for nuity failed, the case is altogether without hope. There protection, and the price added to the domestic article, are four ways, said the Senator, by which the South may whatever these may be. It is said, sir, that the consumer avoid the tax. First, "by abstaining from the purchase pays the tax, and that the tariff States pay their full porof the foreign articles." But, sir, we cannot do without tion of the tax on their consumption. Sir, I think this them; and this trade, moreover, furnishes the only market may be well doubted--our habits are different. for our productions. To adopt this alternative, would be Carolina farmer, whose crop is worth a thousand dollars, to seal our ruin. Secondly, said the gentleman, "em- sends, perhaps, the whole of it to market, and exchanges ploy the rival American fabric." But, sir, if the manu- it for foreign productions, paying, it may be, a duty of fifty facturer would take our cotton in exchange for his pro- per cent.: his tax would be five hundred dollars. The ductions, (which he cannot do, except to a very limited Northern or Western farmer raising produce to the value extent,) we should pay as heavy a tax in the price of the of a thousand dollars, will consume nine hundred of it on domestic, as in the duty on the foreign fabric; for no one his farm, and exchange but a hundred for foreign articles, will pretend that, if the quality be the same, there would and be subjected to a duty of only fifty dollars. This difbe any difference of price in the American market. ference of habits between the different parts of the counThirdly, "manufacture for ourselves." Sir, we cannot try is greater than would be supposed possible. I have manufacture. Except as to a few coarse articles, slave known a wealthy planter in the neighborhood of Charleslabor is utterly incapable of being applied to such an ob- ton, that did not raise a single article that was not sent to ject. Slaves are too improvident, too incapable of that foreign markets, and who purchased every thing that was minute, constant, delicate attention, and that persevering consumed by himself or his slaves. His cloth from Engindustry which is essential to the success of manufacturing land; his wines from France; his horses, mules, and hogs, establishments. It was but the other day that some of from the West; his corn from Maryland; wooden ware, our New England brethren got it into their heads that potatoes, and other notions, from New England; and I they understood our institutions better than we did our-assure our New England friends, that although we do not selves, and undertook to create a splendid mar.ufacturing relish all of their notions, there are some that we prize very establishment in the district represented by my distin- highly. But, sir, if the consumer did, in every case, pay guished and valued friend, [Mr. McDUFFIE.] It was ac- the whole amount of the tax, and the consumption was in cordingly put into operation, but had gone on but a short exact proportion to population, could gentlemen even time, when one of the slaves was tempted to make free then fail to see the wide difference in the operation of the with the goods, and, to prevent detection, burnt up the protecting system on the two sections, when they consider whole establishment. It might be supposed, sir, that the that the tariff States are remunerated, and more than repeople of South Carolina would not have been inclined munerated, for any tax which they may pay, in the bounto punish such an offence with great severity; and if the ties they receive, while we receive no remuneration culprit had escaped, I presume we should not soon have whatever? If this be doubted, I will apply a test, which, heard the end of it. Not so, sir, however. We have a law I think, cannot possibly deceive us. Do our New Eng which punishes arson, whether committed by a black or land brethren not understand their own interest? Do a white man, with death. The offender was brought to you think, sir, that they would be very apt to fall in love trial, and, being convicted on the clearest proof, suffered with taxation, and court the impositions of burdens? How the penalty of the law. And, sir, to show how little jus- comes it, then, that they have been taught to believe tice is sometimes meted out to the South, I will state the that "taxation is no tyranny," but, on the contrary, the fact, that, since I arrived here, I have seen an account greatest of earthly blessings? Why is it that they would of this transaction in print, headed, with large capitals, regard as the heaviest of calamities the reduction of the JAN. 16, 1832.] public burdens? OF DEBATES IN CONGRESS. The Tariff. 90 [SENATE. Is it not clear, then, that they regard to my mind it is clear that, in the actual condition of the duties as a bounty to their industry, and that they things, the burden falls most unjustly and unequally on know that they have the power to indemnify themselves the Southern States. I will illustrate this. We will assume for all that they pay in duties? But, sir, there is another view of this matter, which de- dollars worth of cotton and rice for foreign goods, paythat South Carolina annually exchanges eight millions of monstrates, I think, still more plainly, the inequality of the ing a duty of fifty per cent., equal to four millions of dolsystem. I allude to its effect upon the people of the lars. Now, suppose the consumer to pay the whole tax, South, as producers of the articles which are exchanged how would the account stand? for foreign commodities. There are very able men, sir, one-half our importations are consumed at home, say who have undertaken to prove that we suffer from this Assume that no more than system chiefly in our character as producers. To my mind, it is morally certain that the people of the South, either as producers or consumers, support a burden nearly, if not entirely, equal to the whole amount of the tax levied on their importations. The precise manner in which this operates, is a problem not so easy of solution. I will endeavor to explain, however, very briefly, my conception of the process. The tax, at 50 per cent., would be Making, $4,000,000 2,000,000 1,000,000 $3,000,000 We will suppose a perfectly free trade to be carried on between the Southern States and Great Britain: that is to protected articles, a tax of one million would be paid on say, that the articles on both sides were admitted duty free. the consumption by our Southern and Western brethren. The remaining two millions being exchanged for unIn this state of things, a progressive tax, equal to five per From this state of the case, it would follow that, if the cent. per annum, is imposed on British manufactures for consumer pays the whole tax, we would pay, as consumers, the protection of our own. The first duty of five per cent. three millions out of these four imposed upon the foreign would, doubtless, be added to the price. Before this articles received in exchange for our productions, though progressive duty had advanced many steps, however, the we should consume only half of them. But if we take it period would arrive when no additional charge could be for granted that the tax cannot be added to the price, we sustained by the consumer, without a reduction of his con- would of course get back no part of the duties paid at the sumption. The next five per cent. then imposed would custom-house; and, in that case, we should bear the whole have to be sustained by the merchant, or the foreign ma- burden. nufacturer, or the producer of the cotton, and would, ticles fall chiefly on the merchant and the foreign manumost probably, be divided among them. In this manner, facturer; but I hold this to be impossible, for surely two It has been said that the duties on imported aras the system progressed, the profits of the merchant or three per cent. is the utmost reduction that can be would be reduced to the lowest scale; those of the manu-made from the profits of the merchant, and not much facturer would also be brought down, and the Southern more could be taken off from those of the manufacturer. producer would, in his turn, be compelled to submit to a Indeed, how could it be expected that the American dereduction in the price of his productions. Each successive mand for British manufactures would materially affect step in the further progress of the system would sink lower their price, when not more, probably, than a twentieth and lower the price of his cotton, until it was reduced to part of the whole finds a market in this country? It is on the very lowest sum that would pay the expense of its the American producer, therefore, that this tax must production. The very next step must, of course, annihi- chiefly fall. Sir, the duties upon imports are either paid late the trade, by rendering it unprofitable to all concern- by the consumer, or they are not. ed. Sir, there may be a difference of opinion as to the him, I have shown that the far greater portion of the du point to which we have now arrived in the progress of ties on the goods received in exchange for our cotton falls If they are paid by this system; (for, let it be remembered that the system is upon the planter, and that for this he receives no remunestill progressing;) but, to my mind, it is clear that we ration whatever. If the duties are not paid by the conhave long since passed the point at which any further re-sumer-that is to say, if they are not added to the price-duction of profits could possibly be extorted from the then it is manifest that the whole amount of duties falls merchant or the manufacturer, and that every successive upon us, without the possibility of relieving ourselves from increase of the tax for years past has fallen almost exclu- any part of the burden. sively upon the producer. The proof of this is to be found in the fact that cotton tell me how it is with those who consume the tax. has, within a few years, been gradually falling, until it has is a tax of sixteen millions imposed, directly or indirectly, consumers must pay equally, I will ask any gentleman to As to the popular notion that all lost more than two-thirds of its value, and now barely pays upon Southern production. Here the expense of its production, bringing down with it the amount are transferred to the North, and there conwages of our agricultural labor and capital to the very sumed. Fourteen millions of this lowest point. Some gentlemen insist that the Southern taxed on their consumption paid as highly as those who producer now bears nearly the whole of the tax, while the have the whole amount? Are the consumers of these fourteen millions gentlemen on the other side contend that it is a maxim universally true that the "consumer pays the tax." am inclined to think the truth lies in the middle. Sir, I have done with this branch of the subject. Great I as are the present evils of the system to the South, there certainly conceive a state of things in which the producer ed with the entire loss of the foreign markets for our proI can are greater still-in prospect. We are seriously threatenwould, as such, pay nearly the whole of the tax; but, ex- ductions. All trade is but an exchange of equivalents, and cept where the tax is a very moderate one, or is imposed is founded on the maxim of " upon the absolute necessaries of life, it is impossible clude British goods from our market, you, in effect, exthat the whole of the weight could be thrown upon the clude our cotton from their markets. give and take." If you exconsumer. No one, surely, would contend, that if any us that England must have our cotton. community were in the habit of consuming fifty millions her to do without it. It is in vain to tell of foreign goods, imported duty free, they could afford great extent, from other countries; from her East India You may force to consume any thing like the same amount under a duty possessions, Egypt, Brazil, and elsewhere; and you will Even now she supplies herself, to a of fifty per cent., if the whole duty were added to the make it her interest, in the end, to give up the American price. But whether the tax be, in general, paid by the trade entirely. Even now she is looking to this as a possi producer or the consumer, or be divided between them, ble event. You find her encouraging the production of SENATE.] ter. cotton in the East Indies, by a discriminating duty to which duce this reduction of prices, the manufacturer, on you have forced her, and stimulating the production of both sides, must be put on an equal footing. What the article in South America, where she is furnished with sort of competition is that which is founded on a disa market for her manufactures, almost duty free. Can crimination of fifty per cent. in favor of one of the parwe, then, be blind to the fate that awaits us when the ties? And if, in spite of such a discrimination, the contest American system shall be consummated, and we shall be can be maintained at all, is it not, by that fact, put becut off from a market for seven hundred thousand bales yond dispute, that but for the tax the prices would be of our cotton?--an event that it is hardly necessary for me still further reduced? Gentlemen take it for granted that to say would involve the whole South in irretrievable the competition among the foreign manufacturers is not ruin. It is idle for gentlemen to pretend that the North sufficiently great to reduce the price to the very lowest can ever furnish a home market for all the cotton of the rate. They even tell us of combinations among them to South. Two or three hundred thousand bales is the ut- keep up their prices. Sir, such combinations are utterly most extent to which we could find a market in that quar- impossible. How are the manufacturers of iron, in SweThe catalogue of the evils of this system, however, den, Russia, and England, or the cotton and silk manuis not yet completed. It is not merely the mischief it has facturers of France, to enter into a combination? The done, and the still greater evils which it threatens, but it thing is ridiculous. No, sir, if the duties were taken off, has arrested our march to greatness, and prevented us the prices of goods would be reduced to their minimum, from fulfilling our high destinies. What would have been and much lower than they are now in this country; and it the condition of this country now, if we had never been is for this reason, and this only, that the manufacturers are deprived of the blessings of free trade? Why is it that protesting against it. But, sir, where is the evidence to our tonnage and our exports have not grown with our be found that the tariff has produced any reduction whatgrowth, and strengthened with our strength? It is be- ever in the price of the protected articles? Is there any cause our prosperity has been blasted by the restrictive other foundation for the assertion than this: that the prices system. Look, sir, at this picture. In 1810, with a po- of cottons, woollens, and iron, have actually fallen since pulation of seven millions, we had a tonnage of one million 1824? But all other articles have likewise fallen, profour hundred thousand. In 1831, with a population of tected and unprotected. Real and personal estate, cotton, thirteen millions, our tonnage is reduced to one million flour, and tobacco, all--all have gone down; and most of two hundred thousand; and, going still further back, in the year 1800, our exports amounted to eighty-one millions, while now, with a population of thirteen millions, our exports are reduced to seventy-two millions. not so. them have fallen in a much greater degree than woollens, cottons, and iron. Has the tariff done all this? What say the gentlemen? I have here a price current containing the prices of 250 articles, in 1816 and 1831. From this Thus, while our population has increased nearly three- it appears that there has been a universal reduction in the fold, our foreign commerce has not advanced at all. Sir, price of articles of every description, and that those adif Washington's free trade system had continued unto mitted duty free have been reduced, at least, in an equal this day, (for be it remembered that Alexander Hamilton's ratio with those paying duties. Indeed, sir, I think that protecting system was essentially a system of free trade, a careful examination of this table will show that reducimposing duties only of from five to seven and a half per tion in the protected articles has not been so great as in cent.) can it be doubted that we should now have had a the others. But the reduction has not been confined to tonnage of two millions and a half, and that our exports this country. It has taken place in England, and all over would have amounted to one hundred and fifty millions? the world, in an equal, nay, in a greater degree. The I am told that one of the ablest financiers in this country very articles most highly protected in this country, cothas recently declared that he should consider an average tons, woollens, and iron, are now selling in England much duty of twelve or fifteen per cent. ad valorem as abun-lower than they can be obtained here. This is a fact per dantly sufficient for all the purposes of revenue; and that, fectly notorious to every importing merchant, and I have under such a system, our imports and exports would, in abundant evidence of it now in my hands. Here are statehis opinion, exceed a hundred millions of dollars the very ments showing that such goods have actually been im first year. I know, Mr. President, that it has sometimes ported within the last year, in Philadelphia, New York, been said that the evils under which the South is suffer- and elsewhere, and, after paying duties of from 50 to 100 ing arise from the over-production of cotton; but this is per cent., Have been sold as low as the domestic manufac Cotton is an article, the production of which can- ture. Sir, I ascertained, before I left home, that the not be overdone. It is the cheapest of all known raw whole quantity of cotton goods imported into Charleston materials. It is fast superseding silk, wool, hemp, and during the last year paid an average duty of fifty per cent., flax, all over the world. As a proof of this, I will advert and then they were sold as low as American cottons of the to the fact that, during a period, in England, when her same quality. But I am really ashamed to argue a qustion woollen manufactures advanced from five millions of so self-evident. How can taxes possibly lessen prices' pounds sterling to six, the cotton manufactures progressed How can protection diminish the cost of production? What from one million to more than thirty. If you would take are the elements of price? Are they not the cost of the off your duties, and throw open to us the markets of the raw material-the wages of labor and the interest of world, American cottons would, to a great extent, super- capital' and how can these be lessened by a tax on the arsede all others, and we should find a market, not for one, ticle? To say so, is to reverse all the rules of proportion. but two millions of bales. The whole South would then, Gentlemen might as well contend that two added to five indeed, become a garden spot.' But it is insisted by make three, as that fifty per cent. added to the cost of an the supporters of the protecting system, that its only effect imported article lessens its price. If gentlemen can beis to make our goods come cheaper. Sir, if this were lieve this, they may believe any thing. But the truth is, true, I will venture to assert that the manufacturers Mr. President, this whole matter of the reduction in the themselves would be the very first to abandon the system. price of goods is very easily explained. It depends on Their object, certainly, is not to lessen, but to increase general causes, which have operated to a certain extent their prices. Even if this were the case, however, I am all over the world. From a thorough investigation of the unable to discover how the cotton planter could be com- subject, which has taken place in Great Britain, it is found pensated for the loss of his market. How is this suppos- to have resulted from the appreciation of the currency, ed reduction to be brought about? By competition, say improvements in machinery, and the general restoration the gentlemen, between the British and the American of peace. The resumption of specie payments, and the manufacturer. But if it is competition that is to pro- diminished supply of the precious metals, is calculated to |