verted, were now carrying staves as special constables; and, after having conjured up this agitation to the highest possible pitch, they were now endeavouring to intimidate the working men, because they chose to think for themselves. Those who, as Anti-CornLaw Leaguers, were one day exciting the people, were the next day, as magistrates, sending the special constables upon them, because they did not do exactly as they (the magistrates) wished." There are more of Mr Duffy's mind, we take it. There can be no doubt, as he here states, and as he has since stated, that "the members of the Anti-Corn-Law League advised the revolutionary measures." Take, for instance, a resolution moved by Mr Alderman Brooks, at a meeting of the Manchester Anti-Corn-Law League on the 15th of July : "That, believing this country to be on the eve of a revolution, and being utterly without hope that the Legislature will accord justice to the starving millions, a requisition be forthwith prepared, signed, and forwarded to the members of this borough, calling upon them, in conjunction with other liberal members, to offer every possible opposition to the taxation of a prostrate people for the purposes of a bread-taxing aristocracy, by argument and other constitutional impediments, that the wheels of govern. ment may be arrested through the rejection or prevention of all votes of supply." This is another of those delicate hints at a "revolution" that has since followed, level to the understandings of the most ignorant and brutal of the working classes. Then we have a patriotic gentleman-one Benjamin Welch exulting over a "strike" of miners, in a letter addressed from Bloxwick on the 27th of July, to a Mr Hicken, "sitting in conference" in London. This worthy says: "On Monday morning the Birchills miners and iron-men (being under notice to drop from 2s. 6d. to 2s. 3d. per day) struck, and on the same day proceeded to visit all the works in the neighbourhood, and actually succeeded in stopping them, every one, with out resorting to any kind of violence, except throwing a few flats into the canal at the Birchills at starting, for refusing to go with them." VOL. LII. NO. CCCXXIV. We are forbidden to load our pages with further extracts, but we apprehend we have printed enough to show that, to what extent soever the League was concerned in the late rebellion, it did enough in the way of preparation to entitle it to the whole credit. And yet we are told that the Corn-Law Repealers had nothing whatever to do with the outbreak. Next to folly, nothing is so suicidal as faction; and what is said of the one is equally applicable to the other: -its greatest curseis, that it cannot find a cloak big enough to hide itself with. At the first outburst of the insurrection, we were inclined to think that the Chartists had improved the opportunity afforded by the revolt of the workers to drive home their " five points;" aud there can be no doubt that they were not slumbering amidst the general turmoil. But when we come to view the matter a little closer, we find that the League was the moving power. It is true we find both Leaguers and Chartists at work, but we are soon convinced that the former were the chief engineers. We find that the Leaguers joined the Chartists solely for the sake of possessing themselves of a strong force for purposes of intimidation: -intimidation first of the working classes, and secondly, through them, of the government. Chartist principles, possibly, had few charms for the leaders of the AntiCorn-Law League; but there was a golden opportunity of raising an AntiCorn-Law frenzy on the shoulders of Chartist extravagance not to be neglected. And in this way the League contrived to rough-ride both the Chartists and the masses generally. It was their purpose to goad the work-people to madness-to lash them to the point at which they would break out into open rebellion. At length the masses were excited to the exploding point, and apparently rebelled against the minister, (who had refused the demands of the League!) but really against the tyranny to which the League, with the assistance of those masters who had work-people to pinch and mulet of their wageshad subjected them. Nothing was easier to the mill-owners of the League than to work the wages' question up to high pressure; nothing more natural than that the operatives should explode at that point, and become the elements of a common anarchy-an 2 N anarchy which, by a little management, might be made to assume the attitude of open and determined hostility to the government. Certain Stalybridge manufacturers-devoted friends of the League-saw and applied this potent test. They threatened a reduction of wages, and their hopes were fulfilled: the work-people turned out! Once afloat, the insurrection speedily spread through the manufacturing districts; and the revenge of the League was only stayed by the moderation, good sense, and energy of the middle classes. We have said that the leaders of the League in Manchester used the Chartists to further the agitation against the government. The case is proved by the following circular, issued by the Complete Suffrage Union, and containing the names of the prime movers against the Corn Laws: "The Committee of the Complete Suffrage Union request attention to the following prospectus, and earnestly solicit the support of their friends in aid of its funds, as well as their interest in furtherance of its objects. MANCHESTER COMPLETE SUFFRAGE UNION. President, John Brooks. OBJECTS. 1. Universal Suffrage. - To obtain for each man of twenty-one years of age, the right of voting for representatives to serve in the Commons' House of Parliament. 2. Electoral Districts. That for the purpose of securing a fair and equal representation of the people, it is necessary that the whole country be divided into districts, each containing as nearly as may be an equal number of electors. 3. Annual Parliaments. -That it is of great importance to secure and maintain the responsibility of mem bers to their constituents, and that Annual Parliaments are a proper means for securing this object. 4. No Property Qualification. — That every elector shall be eligible to be elected. 5. The Ballot. -That the right of voting for a representative shall be exercised secretly by ballot. 6. Payment of Members. - That each representative of the people shall be paid for his services. It will be the duty of the society to Vice-Presidents, Charles Cobden; T. B. adopt all legal means by which these Potter. Treasurer, Thomas Woolley. General Committee: Those marked * constitute the Executive Committee. *Edward Allin Elkanah Armitage Samuel Ashton George Black *Edward Bond David Boyd Robert Bunting * Wm. Burd, jun. *T. N. Cathrall Frederick Cobden *F. W. Cotman *G. T. Dale *James Edwards *John Gadsby Richard Gardner William Gardner John Graham Jas. N. Grindrod C. J. Grundy Thomas Hague Andrew Hall *James Hampson *Joseph Haycraft John Heywood *Abel Heywood *J. S. Hibbert James Howie Joseph Leese, jun. Samuel Lowcock * W. M'Cartney James E. Nelson *Joseph Peate *William Perkins George Perkins A. Prentice W. N. Proctor Henry Rawson George Richardson John Rawsthorne Lawrence Rostron *Robert Rumney Charles J. Saul *Job Shepherd A. S. Sichel *George Hargreave John Swindells objects may be promoted." Thus we add the last link to the chain of evidence against the AntiCorn-Law agitators. The names of Brooks, Cobden, Potter, Armitage, Burd, Gardner, Hall, Heywood, Prentice, Rawson, and Watkin, convict the League primâ facie. Appeal from our judgment there is none; for not one of the persons named was even suspected of Chartist principles, until the Repealers discovered that the Chartists were "Obstructives." Untill the "charter" jostled them on the hustings whenever they attempted a public meeting, Chartism never entered their minds; and if the "total and immediate repeal" were carried to-morrow, "The Complete Suffrage Union" might sink into its grave, if Leaguers were required to "stay it up. We have spoken of the antagonist relation which subsists between master and man. It is an evil inseparable from the artificial state of society which we find in the manufacturing districts. But it is, nevertheless, not an evil without remedy. In our last Number, we described want of money as a "firm natural curb-chain upon the riotous body." Further reflection convinces us, that curb-chains of any sort, except the natural curb-chain of the affections, are quite dispensable. We have recently met with a most admirable pamphlet, bearing upon this point, which we must recommend and quote. It teaches us, that the poor as a class are ignorant of each other; that the rich are ignorant of the poor; and that out of this mutual ignorance arise the most formidable of the evils that afflict the peculiarly artificial state of society, in districts where the march of manufactures has congregated large masses. Mr Parkinson says:-" The tie of master and workman, of employer and employed, of the payer and the receiver of wages, is getting closer and more important with every onward movement of society; and in large towns like these, the welfare of the whole community, the peace and happiness of rich and poor alike, will soon be found to be almost entirely dependent upon the way in which these two classes discharge their several duties towards each other. Let it become a rule-not merely a circumstance of frequent occurrence, and a point generally aimed at as I am happy to believe it is with many masters-but a RULE not to be deviated from, that the master, or some confidential servant of equal education and influence with the master himself, shall become personally acquainted with every workman in his employ; and no case of real distress would, hereafter, go unrelieved, from the ignorance of the giver, and the inability of the receiver to produce satisfactory testimony to the necessity of his case. No doubt, difficulties at once present themselves, as they always do when duty calls to improvement, which soon vanish before a serious and earnest attempt to reduce what is really a duty to a practical application. Two simple rules alone seem necessary for this purpose. One is, that every master keep a book, in which is always entered the name and residence of each workman, the number of his children, the amount of his wages, the time of his entering, and the time of his quitting such master's service, with the reason for the latter. The other rule is, that each master either pay his workmen himself, or, if that be impracticable, that he be as frequently as possible present at the time of payment, by which means he will gradually become acquainted with their persons and circumstances, and they with him. It is astonishing how much men are conciliated towards one another, simply by becoming personally acquainted. It is human nature (though not an amiable part of it) to think ill of those we do not know, especially when our interests seem to be opposed to one another; but personal acquaintance, when there is a disposition to conciliate, will of itself soften asperities, even if it do not generate esteem. If mas. ters fully understood the influence which even the slightest personal attention produces on the minds of their workmen, they would be more lavish than they are of a simple act of justice which can cost them so little, and would profit them so much. Treat a man like a a friend, fr and you soon make him one; treat him like a rogue, and his honesty must be much greater than your wisdom, if he do not soon justify your suspicions! In no way are men so easily led-often, it is true, so blindly led-as through the affections." ture. There is sound sense, and no small insight into the human character, in all this. Mr Parkinson is right. To begin by appealing to the reason of the work-people would be fruitless. First win over their affections, and then you have a firm natural basis whereon to build a noble superstrucThe prevailing spirit of the age would tell you to educate them first! Do no such thing. If you do, your first step is a false one; for it sounds to reason, that if you give instruction to a parcel of illiterate men, who have been hitherto accustomed to look upon you with a feeling even worse than indifference, because they have never known or felt your sym * "On the Present Condition of the Labouring Poor in Manchester, with Hints for Improving it;" by the Rev. Richard Parkinson, B.D., Canon of Manchester. London: Simpkin, Marshall, & Co. 1841. pathy-who feel that you have looked upon them with feelings nearly allied to contempt, from the high station which they envy you-you only weaken your own position, and lessen the chances of sincere respect on their parts, by bringing their cultivated reason to the aid of their old prejudices. If we closely examine the connexion between the affections and the judgment, we shall find that what men's passions have prompted them to invent, men's passions have helped them to believe: a position which seems to be established by the memorable declaration of our Saviour, that "men love darkness rather than light, because their deeds are evil." In this view of the subject we do not stand alone. We find ourselves well supported by a profound and excellent work, wherein we are told, that the reality of the connexion between the affections and the judgment stands in little need of formal proof; inasmuch as it is clearly anticipated and accorded in the general conviction of mankind: a conviction most conspicuously manifest in their language and conduct; so conspicuously in their language, for example, that we find the epithets describing actions and dispositions transferred as a matter of course to opinions; as in the current phrases, profligate opinions, uncharitable judgments, with others equally illustrative of the same conviction. We may add, it is precisely this universal persuasion of the influence of the affections on the understanding, which explains the appeal so often made to the candour of an individual in dealing with a question submitted to his judgment. The purport of that appeal is, that he will keep in abeyance his own inclinations as affected by the question; not, however, in stating his opinion, but in forming it. We demand his candour, not in order that he may affirm what he actually believes, but that he may bring his mind into a better condition to believe the truth. Indeed, we are not aware that the effect of the inclinations on the judgment, as a rare, simple fact, has ever been seriously disputed; it is its effect on the judgment that is often so fatally overlooked. The evidence of the senses, or the existence of the outer material world, has been disputed; the reality of moral distinctions, or the authority of conscience, has been impugned; the most intimate and valued convictions of the human mind have been searched out and dragged to the question; but what inquisition of philosophy, what scepticism less than universal, could refuse to admit that the affections and passions, in the language of Bacon, tinge the understanding with their own colouring? Therefore, we say, cultivate the understandings through the affections of the labouring poor. Let every man be taught to rely upon his employer and his superior for that record of his character, which is at once his proudest and most valuable possession; a property which he is bound to hand down to his posterity unincumbered and unsuspected. But give the labouring man title-deeds of his respectability, and he is independent of the world, and an honour to the country in which he lives : treat him with distrust and suspicion, and you make him an enemy to himself, a traitor to the hand that feeds him, and an outcast to society. Man cannot be both a machine to minister to your cupidity, and a friend to guard your interests as his own. You must know him, and you must show him that you have an interest in his welfare beyond the mere physical health which sustains you in your position above him. Until then the antagonism between the employer and the employed can never be obliterated. * The Rev. Theyre T. Smith's Hulsean Lectures for 1839. Edinburgh: Printed by Ballantyne and Hughes, Paul's Work. A PASSAGE IN THE LIFE OF A MAITRE D'ARMES, 565 THE POEMS AND BALLADS OF SCHILLER. NO. 111., REVOLT OF THE WORKERS-THE EMPLOYER AND THE EMPLOYED, 642 WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS, 45, GEORGE STREET; AND 22, PALL-MALL, LONDON. 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