Saxon brord, and in Icelandic broddr. Both of these forms are found in Scotch: braird is the point or summit of the young grain; brodd means a pointed instrument or wound. In general, however, the Scotch follows exclusively the Saxon form in such words. The Gothic huzds, thesaurus, is in Icelandic hodd, but in Scotch hurd, like the English hoard. The old Scotch reird, a voice, or sound, from the Gothic razda, assumes the Saxon form, and is thus opposed to the Icelandic rodd. The Scotch airt, meaning a point or quarter of the heavens, though with symptoms of a Celtic origin, is most probably the Saxon or Germanic form of the Icelandic oddr, cuspis, punctum, and thus corresponds to the German ort, in the phrase die vier örter des himmels. The word odd, however, as opposed to even, is a Scandinavian form of the same root, but it is as much English as Scotch. It involves the idea of a pointed surface as opposed to a plain one. Ort oder eben spilen is given in Schmeller's excellent Bavarian dictionary as an expression now going into disuse, and ortig, as a thing that is odd or has no fellow, such as in Scotland is called orra. Horne Tooke's etymology of odd made it the past participle of the

verb to owe !

5. In another remarkable instance the Scotch has almost exclusively followed the Anglo-Saxon form. The Gothic combination nth, is dealt with differently in the Saxon and Scandinavian languages. In the Saxon the n is elided, in the Scandinavian almost always the th. Thus anthar, Goth., alter, becomes in Saxon other, in Icelandic annar. Tunthus, Goth., dens, apparently for tanthus, becomes in Saxon toth, tooth, in Icelandic tönn. Sinths, Goth., via, vicis, is in Saxon sìth, in Icelandic sinn. Swinths is swith and swinnr. Munths is muth

and munnr. Kuntha, novi, potui, is in A.-S. cùthe, could, E., in Icelandic kunna. Kunths, notus, becomes cúth, A.-S., kunnr Icel. Kunthian, notum facere, is cýthan A.-S., kynna Icel. All of these words are found in Scottish compositions, as well as in common speech, exclusively in an AngloSaxon shape, with the elision of the n: ither, tooth, sithe, swyth, mouth, couth, kythe. Begouth, which is sufficently Scotch, is an example of th same Saxon tendency. It must have

been formed from an anomalous preterite biquntha, like huntha, which in lower German is found in the form begonde. We may infer, however, that the Scotch derived from the Continent the term teind, which they use for the English tithe, and which forms the only deviation we at present remember from the rule we have stated.

In general, we think it may be safely asserted, that the consonantal structure of the Scottish is substantially that of the Saxon. There are some exceptions, such as starn, stella, which is nearer the Gothic stairno than the A.-S. steorra, in which the n has been assimilated to the r. But such differences are not sufficient to disturb the general rule, or to lead to any inference at variance with what we have above said.

The vowelism of the Scotch is not altogether pure. In some instances it differs, alike from the classic A.Saxon and from the Icelandic. Thus, the diphthong, which in Icelandic is an ei, and in A.-Saxon a broad á, is uniformly in Scotch an ai or ae. Thus hám A.-S., home E., heimr Icel., is in Scotch hame; hál A.-S., whole E., heill Icel., is in Scotch hail; bán A.S., bone E., bein Icel., is in Scotch bane; and so of stone, stane; moan, mane; oak, aik; &c. In this respect the Scotch agrees with the northern dialect of England, as held up to ridicule in the Reeve's Tale in Chaucer. The same peculiarity is to be found in the old Saxon, and it is common to the modern Scandinavian dialects, and to those of Lower Germany.

In dealing with the Gothic diphthong au, the Scotch is irregular, following sometimes the original sound, as inloup, stoup, nout, in which it agrees with the Icelandic and partially with the German, but for the most part adopting the deviation into which the A.-Saxon has fallen, by converting the sound into This is a very important point of resemblance, because fortunately it can be traced very far back. The lines on the death of Alexander enable us to say, from the rhymes which they present, that the Scotch at that early time followed the vowelism of the A.-Saxon, and not of the Icelandic. The structure of the verse shows that dead, bread, lead, by rhyming with remede must have been pronounced nearly as at present, that is, almost as deed, breed, leed. This was, as far as we can learn, the A.-Saxon pronunciation of these words, but widely different from the Icelandic. Thus dead was in A.-S. dead, in Icelandic daudr; bread in A.-S. bread, in Icelandic braud; lead in A.-S. lead, in Icelandic laud, if such a word at all existed. In the very earliest state of our language, then, its pronunciation strikingly assimilates it to the A.Saxon, and distinguishes it both from the Gothic and from the ancient Norse.

In some of its most characteristic features of a vocalic sort, the Scotch is faithful to the Anglo-Saxon, where the English has deviated from its original. Thus the A.-Saxon mús, hús, tún, fúl, are correctly preserved in Scotch; while the English mouse, house, town, foul, have been changed by what in Sanscrit grammar is called the guna, of which the introduction and influence in the Teutonic dialects has as yet been imperfectly traced.

The preceding observations, extending probably to a tedious length of detail, have, we trust, demonstrated the difficult, and we think the desperate, nature of any attempt to separate our Scotch dialect from its neighbour across the border, and to refer it in preference to a Scandinavian origin. The more the subject is studied, we think the more completely the delusion of Dr Jamieson's views will appear. His own book, by its very plan and title, has innocently tended to create an erroneous impression on this subject. He calls it a Dictionary of the Scottish Language. But it is in truth not a dictionary of any language. It is a dictionary only of the peculiarities of the Scottish language. It is a mere idioticon, in which half the Scottish language is entirely omitted, that half, namely, which is literally identical with English. It is further, a collection not of classical words, or of the dialect of any limited period, but of all the archaisms, provincialisms, and vulgarisms of Scottish literature or speech, for 400 years. Such a work is apt to exaggerate, in our estimation, the differences between the two languages, and undoubtedly to withdraw attention from their resemblances. But where is the evidence or ground for surmising, that at any period an Anglian translation of the Scriptures would not have been as intelligible in

Scotland, as it must all along have been since the date of authentic history; and of what countries can that be said except where the languages are identical?

With regard to the Norman Scotch, of which alone indeed we have any direct knowledge, we hold it to be utterly absurd to suppose, as Mr Ellis was led to do, that it could be framed in Scotland by influences separate and distinct from those which produced English. Nothing but a miracle could have produced, on such a hypothesis, two languages so nearly alike. The same obliteration of inflections and of genders is found in both, with just those differences which we expect to prevail in a country divided into provinces and districts. Take one common feature merely as a sample. Contrary to the analogy of all the ancient Teutonic languages, and of other modern ones, the masculine termination of the plural in s, has been adopted, both in English and in Scotch, as the sign of the plural in all genders, and in all words, with only a few exceptions, to be found alike in each of the two countries. Such a correspondence produced by accident, would be truly marvellous. When we further remember that the corresponding sign of the Scandinavian plural is not s but r, we have an additional argument against the theory we have been combating.

The Norman Scotch undoubtedly possesses some peculiarities distinguishing it from old English. But the germs of these are to be found in provincial differences of the AngloSaxon itself, of which numerous examples are collected in Hickes's chapter on what he rashly calls the Dano-Saxon dialect. These differences may partially be traceable to Scandinavian influences, but it is difficult to say to what extent; and the important observations of Raske on the subject, will guard us against too implicit an adoption of that theory. "Some of these peculiarities," he says, "being common to the Frisic and old Saxon, may safely be ascribed to that tribe of Angles which seated itself in Northumberland, and not to the Scandinavians, in whose language they are not to be found, and thus contribute to prove that the Angles were of genuine Teutonic, (Germanic,) and not of Scandinavian origin."

It is possible that in here trying to

THE obstinate persecution of the Empecinado by the French, afforded that chief numerous opportunities to display his natural talent for guerilla warfare-a talent he possessed in common with many of his countrymen, but in a supereminent degree. With a handful of men, aided by the nature of the country, and a perfect knowledge of localities, he not only managed to elude the pursuit of forces more than fifty times as numerous as his own, but also found means to harass and annoy the enemy, much in the same way that, on a sultry July day, one may sometimes see a horse tortured and driven nearly frantic by the active and persevering attacks of a solitary fly.

Encouraged by the too sanguine reports of some of his spies, to believe that the French were beginning to relax their vigilance, the Empecinado, after remaining some time in the mountains, ventured back to the plains of the Duero; but soon found it would be impossible to continue there, so numerous were the detachments of hostile cavalry that patrolled the country. In retiring towards the Sierras of Burgos, the guerillas were compelled to cross the Duero at the ford of the Puente Caido, or Fallen Bridge, which is within sight of Aranda. The garrison of that town having caught a view of the Empecinado and his band, a regiment of dragoons were sent out, which chased them as far as the town of Coruna del Conde, but there dropped the pursuit, while the Spaniards took refuge in the Sierra of Arlanza, and fixed their headquarters at a Benedictine monastery, situated in the very wildest and most savage part of those mountains. Hence emissaries were dispatched in every direction, who soon returned with news that the French were determined to surround the Sierra on all sides, and not to raise the blockade till the Empecinado had fallen into their hands. Upon receiving this intelligence, and after some consultation between the Empe

cinado and Fuentes, the partida was divided into four detachments of twenty-five men each. The same night, Fuentes, at the head of one of these parties, left the mountain, and, passing through the French lines, made a forced march in a southerly direction, following the course of the Duero; Sardina and El Manco, subordinate officers of the Empecinado, with other two detachments, took the direction of Arragon, but by different roads; while Diez himself remained in the Sierra with the last twenty-five men.

A week passed away, during which time the French, having posted troops round the mountain in which they conceived the guerillas to be lurking, waited patiently till hunger or an attempt to break through the lines should place their troublesome enemy in their power. On the seventh day, however, news came to the general commanding, that on the road to Arragon a party of troops escorting a quantity of clothing, and some sick and wounded, had been attacked by the band of the Empecinado. A few hours later, and while the French were yet chafing with fury at the escape of the Guerilla whom they had made so sure of capturing, another messenger arrived, and reported that a courier had been surprised and taken, and his escort of twenty dragoons cut to pieces, at the village of Magaz, on the Valladolid road, also by the Empecinado. Heartily cursing their ubiquitous enemy, the French commanders marched with all their forces to the provinces of Valladolid and Siguenza, leaving forty troopers with the depot at the headquarters in the town of Covarrubias, which is situated at the foot of the Sierra of Arlanza, and little more than half a league from the Benedictine monastery where the Empecinado had all the while remained.

It was on the second morning after the French troops had marched from Covarrubias, that eight or ten of the dragoons remaining there in garrison, were lounging about in front of the