ories are enshrined." This she does; and it is the atmosphere of the sanctuary and the chapel rather than of the court that pervades the book from cover to cover. There are here none of the scandals which one has become accustomed to expect in court memoirs. The intimacy to which the good queen admits her readers is that of her childish friendships, the great people whom she admired and the humble people whom she loved, her governesses, tutors and servants, her enthusiasms, occupations and aspirations, and her literary acquaintances and diversions. Madame Schumann, Arndt the poet, Bernays the scholar, Bunsen, and Karl Sohn, the portrait painter, are among the figures whom the author recalls most vividly; but the most intimate and touching chapter is the closing one, in which the queen tells the story of the excruciating physical suffering, sweet character and triumphant faith of her little brother Prince Otto, whose pathetic figure she recalls after fifty years as clearly as if the tragic experiences of his life had closed but yesterday. Nine portraits illustrate the book. The translation is made by her majesty's former secretary, Edith Hopkirk. J. B. Lippincott Co.

"Argentina and Her People of Today" (L. C. Page & Co.) is one of the most important and interesting of the series of volumes in which Mr. Nevin O. Winter has undertaken to make American readers better acquainted with the Latin-American republics. Earlier volumes have described Mexico, Guatemala and Brazil. Like the earlier volumes, this is the fruit of close personal study and observation as well as a careful comparison of au

thorities. But it is as far as possible from being a mere compilation of facts. It is graphically written, touching sufficiently upon the history and topography to furnish a background, but giving a vivid picture of Argentina as it is to-day, the pursuits and pleasures of its people, the agricultural wealth of its great plains, the swift development of its commerce, and the direction and scope of its almost incredibly rapid progress. A large map and more than forty fullpage illustrations from photographs illustrate the book.

Flippancy, bitterness and cynicism one expects in a book called "When God Laughs," and one may feed on them to satiety from Jack London's stories. Of half the even dozen that make the collection there is little to be noted except their repulsiveness-powerful they may be called, but only as any horrible tale is powerful by sheer pressure on shrinking nerves. But there are three or four on a different level, three or four whose horrors make what the sympathy recognizes as a legitimate appeal. "The Apostate." an intensely realistic story of a factory-child grown to manhood and abandoning work for the hobo's freedom; "The Chinago," a picture of life on a plantation in the South Seas where a Chinaman is guillotined by the French sergeant as Ah Chow in spite of his insistence that he is Ah Cho; "A Piece of Steak," the story of an aging prize-fighter who loses the purse that meant supper for his wife and kiddies for want of the substantial meal that might have made him fit-these linger in the memory as masterpieces linger. The Macmillan Co.

THE GREAT GALLEON.

["The operations in Tobermory Bay carried on so successfully for the past three weeks have now been temporarily discontinued until stronger suction plant, capable of dealing with the immense masses of shells which cover the Armada galleon, have been constructed and put on board a more powerful salvage vessel. The construction of the new machinery will entail a delay of fully six weeks, so that operations will not be resumed in all likelihood before Christmas."-Daily Paper, October 29th.J

We left the Tagus banks behind and

shores of pleasant Spain,

Our gallant great Armada, to sail across the main,

And never a one among us recked that we should lie to-day

Down among the dead men in Tobermory Bay.

We saw the pennons flaunting, heard the loud bells ring

To celebrate the mightiness of our Most Christian King;

Our fleet it, was invincible. But now our bones we lay

Down among the wreckage of Tobermory Bay.

Upon our silent culverins gross barnacles must feed:

For chains upon our necks hang tangled skeins of waterweed: Through the sockets where our eyes once shone the cod and conger play Down among the dead men in Tobermory Bay.

Above our heads the perilous Atlantic

combers surge,

But here we lie unheeding their full tempestuous dirge:

We joy not in the sunset nor heed the break of day

Down amid the twilight of Tobermory Bay.

The noble and the base, we sit to

gether, and we keep

All in the clammy ooze and slime a brotherhood of sleep,

Hidalgos of Valladolid and beggars of Biscay,

Down among the dead men in Tobermory Bay.

We lie in powerless splendor, to lord it o'er our wreck,

history Even in

The Motherland, God bless her! has bad a long and illustrious marked by many vicissitudes. recent times the struggle for the right of the people to rule has culminated more than once only upon the brink of revolution, as the earlier struggles did between King and Nobles. It has not been her usual policy to meet such issues directly. When it became necessary, for instance, to revolt against absolute monarchy, instead of direct attack, after the French method. our wiser forefathers preferred a flank movement, which, by retaining monarchy, avoided revolution. The king was accepted, together with the doctrine that as the Lord's anointed he could do no wrong, with the result, inevitable as that night should follow the day, which was soon discovered, that he could not therefore be allowed to do anything. The king was required to swear that he would take the advice of his ministers appointed by a majority of the House of Commons. Hence, the triumphs of the flank movement and of constitutional monarchy.

It is significant to note in these days of dispute between the hereditary and elected chambers that, strange to say, the House of Lords was ignored in this vital constitutional change. The elected chamber, the House of the people, assumed sole and sovereign sway over the monarch. Never was a more drastic device applied, yet one withal so simple and direct that it has never been questioned, and apparently never can be while the monarchical system endures.

Centuries ago, having invested one chamber with the sole power to appoint His Majesty's advisers whom he must obey, yet notwithstanding its success, to hesitate in our day to trust that same chamber with the final word in

legislation, would surely be swallowing the camel and straining at the gnat.

This transcendent power invested in the elected House settled the question and made constitutional monarchy from one point of view even more democratic than the republican form, for the elected head of a nation is necessarily possessed of great powers. Those of our American President, for example, far surpass those of any emperor to-day, and are clearly defined. He appoints the members of his cabinet, possesses the power of veto over legislation in peace (two-thirds majority required to overcome it), and in war instantly becomes Commander-in-Chief of Army and Navy; imprisons disloyal citizens without trial, and is responsible to no one except by impeachment. But let it be remembered no novice reaches the Presidency. The people who elect presidents know their men, who are not born to office; like British Prime Ministers, they must first achieve greatness.

To the native-born observer residing outside of the old home but ever deeply interested in it, she seems one of those strong old-fashioned, managing mothers of great sons, constitutionally opposed to change of any kind, especially to new-fashioned improvements; and hence remains a generation behind, notwithstanding her up-to-date daughters who set her a worthy example.

Let us contrast her with her offspring. Quite recently the Times, appropriately typifying the dear old lady, endeavoring to prove that the Republican idea was in our day giving place to the monarchical, instanced Canada "as seeing no reason why she should change her institutions for those of her Southern neighbor, the Republic." Quite true, for the irresistible reason that Canada has already her neighbor's

All

institutions and rejoices in them; no change is required. She has sole power over her Army and Navy as the Republic has. Her Prime Minister, under direction of her Parliament, alone directs these as the American President directs the forces of the United States. She makes treaties with other nations direct. Hereditary legislators are unknown, no peers reside in British Colonies as citizens. British Colonies pay Members of Parliament, and require them to sit during the day and transact the business of State as their occupation while fresh and sober-minded, not as a social entertainment after dining. They pay no official election expenses. In all these matters they have American, not British, institutions. None of the Colonies know anything of that gross injustice, plural voting, which denies the equality of the citizen; neither of its fellow iniquity, unequal electoral districts. All Britain's children shun the example of the Motherland and adopt the Republic's electoral laws, one man's vote the equal of any other, the districts being equalized after each Census.

In the vital domain of religion, here again we find prevailing everywhere the precious element of religious equality; all religious sects fostered, none unduly favored by the nation. We find the old mother stolidly adhering to unfair discrimination in this, the most sensitive of all departments-the religious, the ministers of the unjustly favored sect holding themselves aloof from the other sects, refusing to exchange pulpits or to recognize equality, dividing the rural communities into opposing social factions, producing discord where all should be harmonious as in the other lands of our race. That no other English-speaking nation retains the odious system of preference of one sect by the State marks another wide

divergence between the Mother and her more progressive children in other lands, and one in which the American example stands pre-eminent. Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the American Republic alike discard the example of the Motherland and treat all religious sects alike.

Public schools in all British Colonies are upon the American model, free from sectarianism, which is never permitted to produce such lamentable results as in some parts of the Motherland, dividing the people by maintaining schools belonging to or governed by the one favored sect. Catholics generally throughout the English-speaking lands send their children to the public schools because they find little or nothing to object to there, the elements of sectarianism being carefully eliminated in accordance with the spirit of this progressive age, which seeks to draw people together, not to divide them into quarrelling sects.

We find another ominous contrast in the land question, a serious problem indeed, in Britain, with its ancient primogeniture and entail, of which no trace is found in any of the new lands, the general custom there being to follow the law which, in the absence of directions, divides wealth equally among the children, the widow's dower of one-third generally obligatory. Here is an illustration of what is fair and just among the members of a family, no unjust discrimination to create feelings of disappointment or resentment among the members, the bonds of family love preserved and strengthened.

It seems impossible that the people of the old home can long tolerate primogeniture and entail, upon which every other English-speaking community has set its stamp of disapproval as unjust. Touching the land question in general, there is none of a serious nature yet in the new lands, with only a few inhabi