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ecutive, and his earnest wish to avoid a resort to coercion; to represent, however, that, without submission, coercion must be the resort; but to invite them, at the same time, to return to the demeanour of faithful citizens, by such accommodation as lay within the sphere of the executive power. Pardon too was tendered to them by the government of the United States, and that of Pennsylvania, upon no other condition than a satisfactory assurance of obedience to the laws.

"Although the report of the commissioners marks their firmness and abilities, and must unite all virtuous men, by showing that the means of conciliation have been exhausted, all of those who had committed or abetted the tumults did not subscribe the mild form, which was purposed as the atonement; and the indications of a peaceable temper were neither sufficiently general nor conclusive to recommend or warrant the further suspension or march of the militia.

"Thus the painful alternative could not be discarded: I ordered the militia to march, after once more admonishing the insurgents in my proclamation of the 20th September last."

Extract from the Life of Jefferson.

"I proceeded to New York," said Mr. Jefferson, "in March, 1790. Here, certainly, I found a state of things which, of all I had ever contemplated, I the least expected. I had left France in the first year of her revolution, in the fervour of natural rights and zeal for reformation.

"The President received me cordially, and my colleagues, and the circle of principal citizens apparently with welcome; the courtesies of dinner parties given me as a stranger, newly arrived among them, placed me at once in their familiar society; but I cannot describe the wonder and mortification with which the table conversation filled me. Politics were the chief topic; and a preference of a kingly, over a republican government, was evidently the favourite sentiment. An apostate I could not be, nor yet a hypocrite; and I found myself, for the most part, the only advocate on the republican side of the question, unless among the guests there chanced to be some member of that party from the legislative houses. Hamilton's financial system had then passed. It had two objects: first, as a puzzler, to exclude popular understanding and inquiry; second, as a machine for the corruption of the legislature : for he avowed the opinion, that man could be governed by one of two motives only, force or interest: force, he observed, in this country was out of the question, and the interest, therefore, of the members must be laid hold of to keep the legislative in unison with the executive. And with grief and shame it must be acknowledged that this machine was not without effect-that, even in this the birth of our government, some members were found sordid enough to lend their duty to their interest, and to look after personal rather than public good.”

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