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acknowledgment, that he has deviated
from the track of some of his prede-
cessors, and has not copied the calum-
nies respecting us, which abound in
booksintended forgeneralinformation.
But the Society is indebted to him for
more than negative justice: he has
represented it to his readers as a be-
nevolent Christian people. These are
his words:
“A philosopher may well envy the
mild creed and universal charity, or
fraternal love, of the Quakers; whilst
he must allow, with a sigh, that a
nation of Quakers could not exist,
unless all nations were of the same
The regret expressed in the latter
part of this account has touched me
not a little. It seems sorrowful that
it should be an established fact, that
charity and fraternal love, and such
as practise them, cannot subsist in
the world. Alas, for the world, in that
case! His eulogium on the Friends
is a severe satire on its nations.
I am afraid we have yet little need
to concern ourselves about the safety
of a nation of Quakers. Their coun-
trymen are toolittle disposed to submit
to the restraints of conduct necessary
to be admitted of their number ; and
many who enjoy, what I call, that
privilege, by birthright, seem too much
disposed to shake off those restraints,
and to mingle gradually with the
crowd of such as forget the interests
of a future life, in the cares or plea-
sures of the present.
But it is necessary for our argument
to suppose the improbable supposition
of a nation of Quakers realized. Such
a nation would, indeed, form a new
and singular phaenomenon; but I am
far from sure that it would naturally
contain the seeds of its own destruc-
tion; and so long as it should last, it
would be a standing refutation of the
conclusion of our geographer. When,
however, I speak of a nation of
Quakers, I do not simply mean a
nation which has laid aside the use
of arms, and at the same time is in-
dulging itself in luxury, avarice, and

many other evils. If we are to portray
a nation of Quakers, we must sup-
pose it composed of true Quakers;
for so far as in any respect the people
degenerate into vice and immorality,
so far they recede from true Qua-
kerism; and then their sins, sooner
or later, contribute to their overthrow.
But this is not imputable to their piety,
harmlessness, and charity.
I shall require [the objector] to
people our ideal land with men sted-
fastly fearing and loving God, and
believing in Christ and the Christian
dispensation, as revealed in the New
Testament; and studious to approve
themselves to their Master, by con-
formity to His laws. Of the more
distinguishing tenet of our Society,
the immediate teachings of His Light
in the conscience, I need not here
enlarge. It is enough for my argu-
ment that they are, generally speak-
ing, seeking to know, and diligent to
do, the will of Christ.
Before I proceed, I must assume
the reason for supposing that a na-
tion like that I have described, must
be a prey to its neighbours. Pin-
kerton has not himself announced it;
but I think it can be no other than
the disuse of arms. It is no less
lamentable than true, that among
mankind in general, at least among
those who conduct governments, there
is a propensity to war. They seem
to think their character scarcely com-
plete, unless it have a portion of the
military one, and glory in opportu-
mities of displaying it in the field.
I am apt to t i. that in the attempts
to settle and adjust the differences
which naturally arise about worldly
interests, this national spirit, as it is
called, has prevented a friendly issue
to numerous negociations; and has
thus really occasioned many of the
wars, which render the history of
mankind a history of human folly
and distress. Now this lofty sense of
honour (as it is usually termed) has
no place in a true Christian people.
They reject, as Christ has taught

them, the practice of receiving honour

from men; because they find, according to His doctrine, that it stands in the way of their belief in Him. For this spirit of contention, they have adopted His meek and quiet spirit, by which means half the occasions of war are cut away at once. And even supposing that there was not, (which however will not, I think, be asserted) that fondness for contest which so many nations have shown, still, even upon the notion of what is sometimes called necessary war, there must be an aggressing and an aggrieved party. In the former of these characters, our lamb-like nation could never appear. It only therefore remains for us to inquire how it would act, so as to be preserved from the danger of an unjust and oppressive enemy. It is observable in the province of nature, that such animals as are destitute of weapons of offence, are generally furnished with some appropriate means of security. Thus I apprehend it would be with our innocent citizens. Knowing the difficulty they would find in quarrels, they would take more care than is commonly taken to keep out of them. In their dealings with other nations, they would act less by the narrow scale of enriching and aggrandizing their own, than nations commonly do. They would transfuse, even into their commerce, a portion of the spirit of Christianity; and think that the way to let their hight shine before men, would be full as much by doing works of justice, as by talking about doctrine. And I think it is not overrating the value of such a conduct to suppose that if they could by such means (and as they are the means of Christ's appointment, they must be efficacious) induce their neighbours to glorify their Father who is in heaven, they would be so far from danger of harm, that they would become the delight of mankind, and probably set the anvils of other countries to work in the blessed transmutation of spears to pruning-hooks.

Thus far I have endeavoured to show only from the natural deduction of effects from causes, that a nation of genuine upright Quakers might subsist in safety; but as I am not bound to rest my opinion wholly on such arguments, I will proceed to another, which cannot be rejected, when we are speaking of religious matters. If we grant, as we must, that our ideal people have for the spring of their action, a true living faith that it is their duty to the Almighty so to act, they will consequently have an unshaken faith in his protection. This is no more than his commands enjoin, and the example of his people in former ages warrants. So that I should not strain an expression, if I were to say, that such a nation would be sure of the protection of Providence, and satisfied with the manner and the proportion in which it should be extended.”


Third Report of the Committee of Inquiry of the Massachussetts Peace Society.

[From the Friend of Peace Oct. 1820.]

At the meeting of the Massachusetts Peace Society in June, the Committee of Inquiry exhibited an able Report on a subject of great importance. We regret that the funds of the Society have not permitted its publication as a separate Tract for this year, as the Report is too long for insertion in the Friend of Peace. In the hope that it will hereafter be published in a more ample form, as a Tract for distribution, we shall merely state the subject, the plan, and the principal facts and results,

Question. “What have been the causes of wars; the degree in which their objects have been secured, and the state in which belligerents have been left at their termination ?”

In the Report, the inquiry is “confined to wars in which civilized nations have been engaged since they became christian,” or “since Constantime assumed the reins of the Roman empire,” omitting “a great number of petty wars in small nations of antiquity — temporary insurrections, or trivial hostilities—and a multitude of wars which have been carried on betweeen christian and savage nations, such as the aborigines of Asia and America.” The Report relates to “two hundred and eighty-six wars of magnitude, in which christian mations have been engaged.” These are divided into the eleven following classes. 1st. “Wars of ambition—to obtain extent of territory by conquest. We have enumerated forty-four wars of magnitude of this class—twelve in which the assailants have been Heathen or Mahometam, and Christian nations defendants; and all the others, we regret to say, have been attacks made by nations professing Christianity on others, without any decent pretence or colour of right. In seventeen instances the assailing nation has been completely victorious—in nineteen instances the assailing nation has been repulsed—and in eight the assailants have obtained partial augmentations of territory secured by eace.” 2d. Predatory wars—“for plumder, or tribute, or to obtain a settlement for subsistence.”—“We have enumerated twenty-two in all.” “The invasions have commonly ended in repulse; but seldom without effecting some mischief.” 3d. Wars of revenge or retaliation. “We enumerate twenty-four of them; of which five have been successful— four partially successful—thirteen unsuccessful, the assailants having been repelled—and two left undetermined by circumstances, and gave rise to new wars.” 4th. Wars to settle some question of honour or prerogative. Of this class “We record eight wars; in four of which the point of honour was gained—three were settled by compromise—one submitted to a council.” 5th. Wars arising from disputed

claims to some territory. Six only are enumerated. “Of these the party occupying the territory in question preserved it, in two instances—in the other four, partition arrangements were made.” 6th. Wars arising from disputed titles to crowns. “We have enumerated forty-one wars of this class; in eighteen instances the party claiming the throne recovered it from the party in possession—in eighteen instances the possessor of the throne maintained it, and in two of these the assailants lost their own crowns in aiming at others; and in five other instances the results were undecisive, and the parties pacified by compromise or partition.” 7th. “ War commenced under the pretence of assisting some ally, or some friend or person flying {: alleged oppression. We have found thirty of these wars; in eighteen of which the assailing or protecting party have been victorious—in six the defendants have maintained their ground or defeated the assailants; and six have terminated undecisively in what is called the statu quo—or in compromise at a general peace.” 8th. “Wars which have arisen from the distrust of nations towards each other—jealousy of rival greatness, or fear of increasing armaments or extended conquests. Twenty-three wars of this description have been observed within our limits.-In eleven of them the allies or assailants have been successful—seven of them have been ended by compromise or treaty, generally placing the parties where they were when they began; and five have resulted in the defeat of the coalition, and the further aggrandizement of the obnoxious power.” 9th. “Wars which have grown out of commerce—designed for its protection against foreign depredations. We have found but five wars of this class.—Neither of them have resulted in greater security to the commerce molested; two have given victory to the encroaching power; and three have been extinguished by a general

peace, leaving the commercial injuries unatoned for.” 10th. “Civil wars, carried on by different parties in the same nation. We record fifty-five of this class—in twenty-one the rebelling party have overthrown those who were at the commencementin possession of power, or established a separate independence; twenty-eight have resulted in the suppression of rebellion, and the confirmation of power to the party possessing it; five have been terminated by compromise—allowing new lo to . claimants—and one, tween Spain and the revolted provinces in termined.” 11th. Wars on account of religion. “We have noticed twenty-eight wars of this class—seven called Crusades, by Christian powers to expel Mahometans from countries esteemed holy —five by Mahometans on Christian nations—two by Christian nations to compel their neighbours to become Christians—eleven by Popes or bigotted monarchs to reduce those they deemed heretics—and three to recover territory from the hands of infidels— In fourteen instances the oppressing or assailing parties have been victorious—in nine the defendants maintained their religion and their territories—and in five, no decisive result, but a compromise or temporary peace terminated the conflicts.”

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very great satisfaction, and hasten to recommend, by favour of your assistance, to the particular regard of the friends of Peace. I allude to the last Report of the Society for the Improvement of Prison Discipline, and for the reformation of Juvenile Offenders. It does the heart good to observe the progress of that beneficent spirit, which, like a little leaven, we trust, is going on to leaven the whole lump. I shall not pretend here to enter at all into the subject of the Society’s zealous and extensive labours; these can alone be duly appreciated by a regular perusal of the whole book: but there is one little passage which I venture to offer to your notice; and if the sentiment contained in it be correct, we may congratulate ourselves in no common manner on the rapidly increasing influence of this powerful ally, on the gradual development, through different nations, of those principles which form the most efficient bond of peaceful union amongst men. I am, Sir, with great regard, yours, &c.

MoDERATOR. Houndsditch, Dec. 18, 1820.

Extract of a Letter from Walter

Venning, Esq. to Samuel Hoare, jun. Esq.

St. Petersburg, Jan. 31, O.S. 1820.

“I suppose you have seen the truly Christian letter of Prince Galitzin, in reply to the Duke of Gloucester's. It is exceedingly interesting, for it breathes the warm and native spirit of Christian philanthropy. The amicable correspondence which has so happily commenced between these exalted characters, and the close connexion which has consequently taken place between the two societies, is the consummation of one of my earliest and warmest wishes, and from such an auspicious alliance we may, I think, humbly hope that the most important and the most extensive blessings will flow.

“It is, I approl, from the in


crease, and no less from the union of
such beneficent societies, that we are
encouraged to hope for the universal
diffusion of benevolence, and conse-
quently the final termination of cru-
elty and bloodshed. The stimulus
which is created by the reaction of
these societies, will be incessantly
urging each other forward to the ac-
complishment of every object that is
calculated to reduce the sum of human
misery.” - - - -

To the Editor of the Herald of Peace.

SIR,-One of the most useful, and in many parts most affecting biograhical narratives I have ever read, is the “Life of William Penn,” by Mr. Thos. Clarkson. As I presume it is your object, and that of your Correspondents, to render the Herald of Peace a compendium of whatever is valuable of a pacific nature, I purpose selecting from the above work all those passages which have that tendency, or which are calculated to demonstrate the excellence of Peace, accompanied with occasional observations. The greater part of your readers are perhaps aware that William Penn, the son of Admiral Sir William Penn, flourished in thereign of Chas. II. and several of his successors. Having been appointed by two of the members of his Society to act as arbitrator relative to some lands in America, it led him eventually into the important situations of proprietor and legislator of the state in that country which bears his name. Pennsylvania was granted to him by letters patent from Charles, in lieu of 16000l. which had been lent to the government by his father. Previous to this, however, and in consequence of the sufferings to which the Society of Friends was exposed, William Penn obtained leave to be heard in their behalf, before a Committee of the House of Commons. On this occasion he justified himself from personal charges which had

been brought against him, and dwelt upon the unassuming and peaceful character of the principles which he advocated.— Upon this part of the history, Mr. Clarkson observes:— “ The Quakers at that time laboured under the suspicion, in common with other Dissenters, that they were hostile to the Government, and that they might therefore watch for an o of destroying it. William Penn, to do away this suspicion, laid before them the creed of the Quakers on this subject. They, when called upon by magistrates to do what their consciences disapproved, refused obedience to their orders. No threats could intimidate them. Satisfied with such refusal, they bore with fortitude the sufferings which followed, and left to their oppressors the feelings only of remorse for their conduct. By such means they performed their duty to God in a quiet and peaceable manner, that is, they made no sacrifice of their just convictions; and yet they did not disturb the harmony of society, or interrupt the progress of civil government, by rebellion. At this time, then, when the nation had been convulsed by civil wars and commotions, when the Government had been frightened by reported plots and conspiracies, and when Dissenters of all descriptions were considered only as peaceable, because the chains in which they were held prevented them from being otherwise, it particularly became the Committee to know, that they, whose petition was then before them, were persons who espoused the opinion in question. And here a wide field for observation would present itself, if I had room for stating those thoughts which occur on this subject, involving no less than the question, How far mankind, when persecuted by their respective governments for matters relating to the conscience, have gained more advantages to themselves in this respect, by open resistance, than by the Quaker's principle of a quiet and peaceable submission to the penalties which the

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