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we have seen, is the love of God and
It may be observed, further, that the doctrines relative to the kingdom of God on earth coincide with, and confirm the dictates of sound, unbiassed reason as to the present state of man, and his future destiny; and that had they not been announced to us on the authority of revelation ; they are in themselves such as the wisest and best of men must approve and wish to be universally known and practised : but they want no other testimony than their own to convince every one, that they are both the wisdom of God, and the power of God. And as they are agreeable to the reason of man in its highest state of cultivation; so are they also admirably adapted to his nature, condition, and circumstances, and to the furtherance of his well-being in his individual, social, and political relations. Besides, what can be more cheering to the spirits, or more beneficial to health, than to have our minds entertained with pleasing ideas of the goodness of God, and to know that our thoughts and desires are conformable to his most holy will What is there so animating and refreshing to the soul, as to have a conscience not only void of offence towards God and man; but which also bears witness, in the fullest manner, to our dutiful love and affection to them This, it may be said, is to walk with God, and to have our conversation in heaven :
* He that hath this light in his own clear breast, May sit in the centre and enjoy bright day.” Milton.
He can rejoice in his existence, because it is his felicity; and he is at less expence in making others happy, because he is so in himself. That frame of mind so desirable on all occasions in our intercourse with the world, and for the right performance of those duties which we owe to each other, in order to be uniform and permanent, must be principled in good-will to men ; which is a law from heaven far superior to
what the world calls polished manners and good breeding; though these are, by no means, to be contemned. We know, for instance, that a cup of cold water given in the spirit of Christian kindness, will not lose its reward : and that the poor widow's mite was of more value in the sight of God than all that the rich gave out of their abundance. There are some works which cannot proceed from any other than a good motive, and which all can practise : and these, like congregated streams, forming themselves into rivers and seas, shall, under the spiritual kingdom, refresh continually the ‘city of our God ; '—such as works of love, mercy, meekness, charity, forgiveness. Happy tempers and benevolent minds will not then be wanting. Men will have learned to controul their headstrong and turbulent passions; they will have subdued anger and wrath, and evil-speaking; and banished from them malice, hatred, and revenge, as vices the most disgraceful and abominable: they will have learned the great lesson, * not to be overcome of evil, but to overcome evil with good.’”
—oThe Rage for War. To the Editor.
SIR,--I am much pleased to observe that your Correspondent “No” has rested the weight of a very able argument in favour of Peace, upon the correct decision laid down in the form of a query by the apostle James, who has touched the matter with a needle; for doubtless the whole system of War (that offence which ‘must needs be ') has fixed its cancerous roots, and finds all its strength and nourishment in the self-will and corrupt desires, comprised under the term “lusts,’ of fallen human nature.
This truth presents itself to my mind with conviction no less than demonstrative; but since there are many whose view of this subject is not yet clear and defined, you do
well to place it before them in va. rious aspects and in different lights; and if there be some who are weary of repeated quotations from the perpetual Bible, turn them to a passage of Virgil, upon whose lofty head some gleams of inspiration broke once and again through the Pagan cloud in which he was enveloped.
In the eighth book of the AEneid, we find Evander, a Grecian prince, who had planted a colony on the Tyber, entertaining Æneas, newly arrived to him, with the early history of the scenes among which they then were walking; the spot where afterwards arose the capital of the world: he describes the first institution there of government by Saturn.
“ls genus indocile ac dispersum montibus altis
He (Saturn) organised the untractable society, dispersed upon the lofty mountains, and gave them laws, Under this king were those golden times which poets celebrate—So he governed his people in tranquil peace, until, by degrees, succeeded a tar. nished and degenerate age, and the lust of possession prevailed, and the rabies of War. I pray you to mark the force of the word rabies, to which we have nothing equivalent; canine madness, no common rage, but a total per; version of all the powers, bodily and mental; and this belli rabies, the token of a degenerate age, came in with the amor habendi, the lust of possession. The closing life of the poet might have been, I think, contemporary with the early years of the spoilo James; but it is not very likely tho' they conferred together on this subject, which one might incline to believe, by their exact agreemen" as to the origin of War. I should rejoice to see the learned
leisure of some able scholar employed in collating passages like these; being persuaded, that by the beneficent providence of God, those truths which are most important to mankind have not been left without a witness in any age.
With cordial wishes for your increasing strength, I am, Sir,
Very respectfully, MoDERATOR. Oct. 4, 1821. -o
FROM THE FRIEND of PEACE, Vol. II. No. 5.
A Senatorial Answer to the grand Objection.
It is generally admitted, that War is a great evil, that its abolition is a desirable object, and that the controversies of rulers should, were it possible, be settled on the principles of civilization, by referring them to a Tribunal constituted for that end. But when this plan is urged, the objector triumphantly exclaims, What power can such a Tribunal possess, to enforce its decisions ! This objection seems to be regarded by many as sufficient to silence all the intelligent advocates for peace. If, therefore, a satisfactory answer can be given, an important point will be gained, and the friends of peace may hold on their way rejoicing. We are happy in finding materials for obviating the objection, in the late Answer of the Senate of Massachusetts to the Governor's speech. Having mentioned “intelligence and virtue” as “ the ornament and defence of republican institutions,” the Senate proceeds tosay:— ** The laws derive their force, not from the impulse of any physical power. The legislature of a republic is not surrounded by arms. The judiciary, which commands universal submission to its decisions, from the powerful as well as the weak, has no energy but what is derived from the VOL. H.I.
sense of justice, which resides in the breasts of the people. The force of a republican government, the only one compatible with freedom, * is therefore amental force. And as the laws have their origin in the will of the people, so they are carried into execution principally by the sentiment known to prevail in favour of virtue, order, and good government. A constitution which requires the Support of an armed force, is either defective itself, or supposes debasement in a considerable part of those subjected to it. It either does not possess the confidence and attachment of the people, as the security of their rights, or the people do not justly appreciate those rights. It therefore becomes a Commonwealth to recollect, that, as they value their liberties and immunities, public opinion, the source and guide of political power, should be founded on public virtue and intelligence.”
But how does this passage apply to the formidable objection ? It applies by shewing that there is such a thing as “mental force,” to give effect to the decisions of well organized Tribunals. Our government is indeed republican; but this affords the better opportunity to see what may be done by the force of public opinion, when enlightened by the “ diffusion of useful knowledge and correct principles.” If in the present state of knowledge and virtue in our country, “the judiciary commands universal submission to its decisions,” without the force of arms, may we not safely infer, that the force of public sentiment may be extended to the decisions of a Tribunal of Honour and Equity for the adjustment of national controversies 2
* This sentiment might perhaps be fairly disputed; but the general principle, that the laws and government of a country have their most solid foundation in the approbation and enlightened morality of
the people, is true in all cases.—Ed. of the
Herald of Peace.
We are aware that a more general diffusion of knowledge, relating to the causes and evils of war, is necessary to the accomplishment of the object. But considering the various and accumulating means which are in operation to illuminate the world, we may presume that many years will not be requisite to convince the intelligent of different countries, that the principles of Christianity and civilization are preferable to the barbarous principles of war for the adjustment of differences, and that the former, are applicable to nations and rulers, as well as to smaller societies and private individuals. When public sentiment shall have been enlightened on this subject, armies will be no more necessary to enforce a decree of the proposed Tribunal of nations, than they now are to give effect to a decision of the Supreme Court of the United States. If it be a truth, that “public opinion is the source and guide of political power,” then as soon as public opinion shall be in favour of the principles of civilization, in preference to the principles of war, “ political power" must take that course. Rulers as well as subjects must submit. They are mutually dependent on each other; and rulers cannot support war, if the general opinion of their subjects should be against the horrible appeal to arms. When public opinion shall have been duly enlightened, that ruler who will not submit a controverted question to a Tribunal or Umpire, rather than to expose his subjects to the crimes and desolations of war, will be regarded with horror, as a merciless barbarian. Like the duellist, he will be left to fight his own battles, and to suffer the odium due to his folly. While public opinion has been in favour of war, as lawful and necessary, it has done great things and filled the world with mischief. But ublic opinion is liable to be changed. t has been changed in thousands of instances; and by these changes a
muititude of savage laws and customs have been abolished. In many instances a change in public sentiment has paralyzed an absurd or inhuman law, years before it was repealed by legislators. When public opinion changes in regard to the necessity of a sanguinary law, it first becomes difficult, and afterwards impossible to carry the law into exe. cution. Many such laws are still retained in statute books, unrepealed, as monuments or memorials of the barbarity of earlier times. As a change in public sentiment can thus enervate an absurd or cruel law, so it can enforce one which is humane and wise; and as it can enforce humane laws, so it can give effect to humane compacts and decisions. Therefore, should such a Tribunal as has been often proposed, be organized by a compact between the rulers of different nations, it will stand in no need of armies to enforo its decrees. An enlightened public sentiment in its favour, will be infinitely preferable to all the military and naval establishments in the universe. We may add, what we verily be: lieve to be true, that the expense of the military and naval establishments of Christendom for a single year, if judiciously employed, would be suffcient to illuminate the world so far as to obtain a general consent of nations to the abolition of war, and to insure their acquiescence in the decisions of Pacific Tribunals.
tion poll in London county, Virginia. M“Carty, who for the most part made his home at Alexandria, offered to vote. Mason observed, that he did not consider him entitled to a vote. M'Carty asserted his right, and said that he would take the necessary oath to entitle him to the exercise of it. Mason then said, If you swear, you will perjure yourself. This was the spark, blown to a flame.—A newspaper war then en
sued; and after abusing each other
in the most uncourteous manner, the contest was given over.—But the tortured feelings of Mason would not let him rest. On the arrival of Gen. Jackson at the seat of government, Gen. Mason repaired thither to consult with his relation, Dr. Bronaugh, one of Gen. Jackson's Aids, as to the course proper for him to pursue. After this interview, M'Carty was sent for to the seat of government. He was challenged, and it was finally agreed that the battle should be fought “with muskets at the distance of ten feet.” “Arrayed against each other with all the ferocity of savages, their guns were brought to an order.—Bronaugh then asked, Are you ready? The word was given, fire s—The guns were brought to the hip and fired—Gen. Mason was precipitated into an awful eternity with all his imperfections, and this last black transgression upon his head while M’Carty escaped with a slight scratch upon his arm. “During all the preparation for this bloody scene, it was notorious what was going on, and yet no steps were taken to prevent it. Numerous spectators lined the hills around, and beheld with stupid inactivity the horrid contest. “The first intimation that Gen. Mason's wife had of his intention to fight, was about two hours previous to the arrival of his remains at home. He had left a letter for her with a friend, who, from the hope that all would be well, had delayed to deliver it. The scene which ensued at the
reception of this letter, and almost simultaneously with the arrival of Gen. Mason's remains, no pen can describe, nor pencil depict. The agonized cries of a bereaved and loving wife, the mournful and weeping countenances of Gen. Mason's servants, to whom he had been kind, and the regret of his admiring neighbours, were enough to melt a heart of adamant. “And now let me glance at Mr. M’Carty. He with his Second—I will not say friend—repaired to Alexandria. Secluded from the society in which he was wont to mingle, with feelings amounting almost to hopeless and black despair, he remained in Alexandria until Thursday night, the 11th instant, when an opportunity offering, he took shipping for Liverpool, in consequence, it is said, of an intimation that the Governor of Maryland, in which state the duel was fought, intended to demand him for trial and punishment.”—Extracts of a Letter from Alexandria, published in the newspapers. In the National Intelligencer, an article appeared relative to this battle, containing a statement of facts to exculpate the seconds of Gen. Mason from the reproach of having been “ instrumental in urging the affair to its unfortunate issue.” This article was probably written by one of the seconds, or as they call themselves, “friends of Gen. Mason,” in which they have the following remarkable paragraphs – “It now only remains to state, that all reports respecting the indecorous deportment of either party on the ground are entirely false; that the unfortunate meeting took place at the appointed time, and that the affair, although fatally was honourably terminated. No man ever exhibited more perfect coolness and self-possession than did Gen. Mason on this melancholy occasion. “ It is due to the friends of Mr. M’Carty, who are not aware of this publication, to state, that their de