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in Texas as something attached to the land bordering the river Rio del Norte. Our government follows thus the policy of Russia and similar governments, who claim men as their own, although they have years since resided in the United States. A bloody war is the consequence of this fatal policy. If we had acted according to the policy of self-governing freemen, we should have annexed this year Texas, perhaps in ten years Nueces; and again, in ten years, Santa Fe, and so on, without a cent’s public expense, because the whole business would have been done by our statemakers. By using brute animal force we kill the freemen on the spot and our friends and sons who could be useful pioneers; waste, besides, the earnings of our industry in useless business; dishonor our system of government; and lose the esteem of civilized men. Each square foot of conquered land is a stain on our character as self-governing freemen.

It is, we presume, superfluous to say a word about “national honor, glory, or wrong," and such shallow phrases. We can leave such rhetorics to Indian chiess and their colleagues in Asia and Europe. Self-governing men establish no nations in the style of the Eastern continent. Our states are not made to split society into hostile, discordant divisions, all the time at war with each other, like Poles and Russians, French and Englishmen, &c. By no means; our states are mere business districts, affording facilities in our social intercourse and industrious enterprise, and, of course, producing safety and happiness to existence; therefore, they must unite, strengthen and consolidate society, and never separate it.

The peaceable annexation of new states to our Union has been till now, with the exception of the ill managed annexation of Texas, one of the most remarkable features in modern history. There has never happened any thing of this kind before. But it will only be a blessing for us and mankind, if this business is conducted in strictest conformity with the principle of self-government. Because it is only this principle--and not the representative form,which guides us safe, as we have seen. European powers have admitted more or less of the representative formos, and are nevertheless despotic governments. Our constitutions must be more distinct in this regard. There ought not to be a state annexed, unless she has adopted a constitution in conformity with the principle of self-government, nor

without the consent of the majority of the voters. (See the plans of the Constitutions.)

There may be some who will ask, who shall give us the guarantee, that people in such new states will call for admission into the Union ? We answer, that such a guarantee is as unnecessary as the fear of losing these people is unfounded, and we repeat, that if our Union is really what she ought to be, we will have plenty of annexation business People in the Canadas and Mexico, and West Indies, will soon discover, that there cannot be any government better and cheaper than a confederation of states founded upon the principle of self-government.

But, as matters are now with us, the chance is different. It is, no doubt, a grave, portentous case to be annexed to a state confederacy, where so much incongruous, expensive and useless government business is done; where slaves are allowed to count at the polls with freemen; where the highest magistrate is so little guided by prudence, justice, and humanity, as to admit new states with “constitutional” slavery; where war is waged for hardly any reason; where so much physical animal force government exists, &c., that we all feel state-ridden; in consequence of which we may witness the spectacle, that new states, although started under Congressional patronage, may decline the honor of being annexed, of helping to pay unjust war debts and being involved in slavery difficulties, general state bankruptcies, high and low tariff difficulties, commercial crises, &c. Then a new question will arise, viz., shall such a "repudiating” state be forced into the Union, as the Poles are forced into the cold embrace of Russia, or not?

16. We add a few words on War in this connexion. According to the prevailing opinion, no state, not even our Union, can exist, without being prepared, in the common way, for war, i. e., ready to kill, destroy and conquer. Nothing is more false. Unless we are entirely mistaken, we have satisfactorily proved, that our states are expressly established to check warlike tendencies and unreasonable and animal propensities, that liberty, and self-government, and the fruits of education, instruction, and industry, may not be endangered by them. We should never kill even the criminal, because the destruction of life is entirely at war with reason and self-government. To conquer men is to subjugate them. A subjected man cannot be, at the same time, a freeman. The permission given to Congress

to prepare for war, opens the door to a kind of industry, we speak of that of a soldier, which is criminal, because its purpose is homicide. The permission given to Congress to declare war, is the cause why public officers do not make proper use of prudence to prevent disturbing conflicts. The horrible effects and consequences of war are well known. Therefore, we should either take back these permissions given to Congress, which would be the simplest method, or so far alter the constitution, that war can only be declared in accordance with a general vote of the freemen, which would virtually amount to the same thing, because, as society is now constituted, people in general cannot but give a verdict against war. It is sheer nonsense, to prepare in peace for war, to expend a cent from any public treasury for military academies, stores and instruInents. We will not raise and pay men to destroy selfgovernment. Where the reign of war commences, that of self-government stands still and ends. If we act as selfgoverning freemen, we never shall have war, and therefore never shall have an occasion to fight for a treaty of peace, as we do now in Mexico. Only savages can incur the necessity of war. We can safely dispense with all fortifications, and armies, and navies, and thus prevent a great waste of the public money. It may be easily calculated, that the annual Congressional expenditures will amount to about one million of dollars, provided the business there is limited to the wants of self-government.

17. Next to war, nothing interferes so much with the best rights and interests of self-governing freemen, as the governmental meddling and bungling with industry. We mention here,

1. Licenses. These inventions of European financiers, to make money for their luxurious lords, are against the liberty of industry. If a trader, who is too poor to establish an expensive store, prefers to travel with his goods, let him do so. He will take a comfortable locality for his trade as soon as he can afford it. Let those who like to deal in alcohol, gunpowder, medicines, poisons, knives, forks and guns, do so. Town people and the grand jury will look out for safety; states have nothing to do with the matter.

2. Charters for Industrious Associations. They are chiefly desired, to endow private business with politic rights and public credit, which in itself must be disadvan


tageous to unchartered business of the same kind. If charters are taken by stock companies for the purpose of making the stockholders not liable beyond their shares, they are superfluous, because this ought to be settled by general laws. Bankers and bank-stock associations may pay people with cash or promissory notes, (bank bills;) this is a mere private transaction, requiring no charter. If the charters are taken to support the circulation of paper money, (promissory notes, pay able to the bearer, are paper money,) state interference is used as a means of creating fictitious capital, and thus, in proportion to the amount of this fictitious currency, causing overtrading and those revolutions in commerce which we unfortunately witness so often in our Union. If this business is left alone; if governments will cease to trouble themselves how the bankers make money and pay their debts, or lend money to the people, banking will be conducted according to the laws of commerce, and never produce general calamities. It is the height of folly to authorize the promissory notes or bankbills by contra-signatures of state officers. In this way a real state paper currency is made, which is against the tenor of the Federal Constitution, if we are not mistaken. Thus much is certain, that if banking is left alone, it never will have the tendency to raise artificially the value of things, as is at present the case, which is the greatest lever of the foreign importing business, to the disadvantage of our home industry.

3. Tariff, Customs, Indirect Taxes. They are open violations of the liberty of industry. They are the invention of despotio governments, and fraught with injustice, because they affect the poor more than the rich, producing therefore poverty of the masses; they are immoral, because they are interwoven with smuggling, fraud, perjury, and other crimes; they create extravagant expenses, political patronage, international discord, and furnish the ready means for war, and other follies and absurdities of designing and despotic men. We see that industry produces a constant emulation among industrious men. If governments establish what is termed protective tariffs, they must necessarily patronise one class of business men at the expense of the rest, and, of course, disturb the natural state of trade, and interfere with the liberty of industry. Protective tariffs establish a kind of monopoly in some way or other. It is sufficiently proved, that protective tariffs cause poverty in

the large masses, as we see in England, France, and other countries, and especially in Spain, the country which has been longest subjected to the so called protective policy. Nothing can be more against the principle of self-government. Each man ought to protect himself and his business as well as he can. Indirect taxes frequently lead to commercial treaties, which are always limitations of the liberty of commerce, advantageous only to financiers, political money makers and their governments, and always injurious to the commercial public and people in general. These treaties never ought to have been allowed, and they should be discontinued as soon as possible. We cannot expect that public officers, who are not merchants, should know much about the interests of merchants. That this is the case is proved, first, by these customs and treaties, and secondly, by the confessions of the shrewdest class of men of this kind

- we mean the British ministers, who, in the late corn law debates, admitted that they knew not how to assist and protect the interests of traders. Certain state philosophers or statesmen have tried to systematize commerce, not aware that this is as impossible as it would be for them to regulate air and water, rain and sunshine. Each merchant has and must have a system of his own. He must try his own skill on the field of industrious warfare; and he will succeed, according as he understands mercantile tactics, among which the first is, secrecy of his plans of action. Hence the obvious impossibility of a governmental systematizing and directing of commerce; hence the superfluousness of commercial treaties and ambassades, as that to China, &c. Forcing factories by prohibitive tariffs, is yet more ruinous than stimulating commerce by protection, because people have to pay all that the factories gain, without getting any recompense. We therefore should labor to bring about a speedy change in our policy in this regard. Direct taxes are the only means of raising a revenue that freemen can admit. Political partizans or demagogues do not like them, because a great host of offices will be abolished by adopting a general system of direct taxation.

In our plan of a federal constitution we propose, that the money required by Congress shall be drawn from the state treasuries, because these should serve as a sort of sub-treasuries. This, so far as we can judge, is the only fair, simple and safe way to fi! the congressional treasury.

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