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instruction in practical religion, still they will operate as well, and perhaps better, without corporate rights as with them. Indeed it is for the purpose of securing these rights that church establishments are aiming at public influence, jurisdiction and political power. And has not governmental interference, at all times, hindered the quiet useful working of religious institutions? What has corrupted true Christianity more than its connexion with states? Meetinghouses may be built, and teachers of religion paid, as well without charters, and without the rights of a body politic, as with them. Self-governing freemen never ought to allow such things. This business belongs to the very intimate private affairs of mankind. If an organized church, as the Catholic or any other, interferes with the liberty of instruction, it is as bad as if done by the states themselves. It is also a mistake to think that liberty may be taught in schools. Liberty is freedom from subjection or oppression of all kinds, and can as little be imparted by instruction as nature herself. Men may be artificially trained for subjects of monarchs, but not for freemen, Organized churches will teach their creeds and formulas, but a very little of that religion which may be found outside of these churches. Why support them by laws? If governments have the care of instruction they always will make use of this power for their political interests, plans and fancy passions. Thus we may observe, that for state institutions, generally called military academies (West Point,) i. e., schools where young men are instructed in the art and science of killing men, cannonading houses and towns, destroying crops, erecting manslaughter houses called batteries or fortresses, &c., more state money is spent than is appropriated for any other kind of academical instruction, because such military institutes are better adapted than the latter to promote the ordinary designs of government as they usually are. And for the same reason we find, that an enormous amount of public money is annually laid out for making cannons, and other wholesale murder instruments, and much more than for instruments to save limbs and prolong life. We do not wish to be understood that we expect from any government, funds for the promotion of peace, health, or humanity; by no means, freemen will take care of that themselves; but we only wish to state, that governments, if not watched very closely, are all apt to apply state funds to purposes

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which are diametrically opposed to the principle of selfgovernment, which is, as we have seen, a product of reason and nature, and not of physical force and barbarism. Selfgovernment leads to peace, and not to war.

It opens indeed, a wide field of warfare, but only for that of industry, free competition, and self exertion. Therefore, we as self-governing freemen, ought not to allow such interference with the liberty of instruction to our governments.

7. By Industry, the third great source of self-government, we acquire the means of our existence and that of our families, as farmers, traders, merchants, bankers, brokers, printers, mechanics, writers, artists, scientific men, &c. It is honest, unremitting industry, (of which alone we speak here,) which warrants success, and makes an independent man in a pecuniary regard. For a full development of self-government, the greatest liberty of industry is indispensable. With this liberty our governments, in states and union, interfere more than with instruction and education. But we shall pursue this subject, together with the examination of the different branches of state and Congress business.

8. We have mentioned before (section 4,) that social life leads unavoidably to conflicts, which are easily set right among self-governing freemen. But we are not yet all such men. The corrupting influence of governments, as they commonly are, has among other more obvious causes, tended to render the number of those unable to govern themselves so large as to endanger that condition of society, at which self-government aims. Hence the origin and present necessity of laws, law-makers, judges, sheriffs, jails, prisons, and other expedients to check the ungovernable, or restrain the doings of bad men, who are unable to rule or govern themselves, and who therefore must be ruled or governed by others. Further, there are certain kinds of social business which cause and require cooperation. For the making of the laws concerning these bad men, and the business requiring co-operation, society has been divided into states, and these subdivided into counties and towns, and established representative bodies and officers who enact these laws, execute them, and act as agents of these districts. We commonly say the state, country, or land is divided into counties and towns, because society cannot be understood without the land over which it is spread ; but, properly speaking, these

divisions apply more to men than to land, because they are devised for the sake of business, which otherwise cannot be done. Therefore no business should be drawn into the spheres of towns, counties, or states, which selfgoverning men can or may do for themselves. We all know that this is the broad foundation upon which true individual independence rests, but, notwithstanding, our policy and daily practice differ widely from it. We have made many laws, created many offices, expended great sums of money in direct violation of this principle. If we make it our policy and practice not to allow any business to town, county, or state officers which we may do for ourselves, the social and personal freedom and the development of our race, will never be hindered by this organization, but rather greatly promoted by it. It is wrong to say that the establishment of states requires the giving up of individual rights and privileges. We rather gain by them, because states, when organized in accordance with the principles of self-government, secure us a larger and safer sphere of activity than we could have without them. It was self-government or reason, which established forms and rules for our conduct, before we thought of states; and such forms and rules are by no means restrictions, but only directions for our conduct. Self-government is older than states; states cannot produce self-government, but, if abused, they will destroy it. It is therefore highly important to define accurately the town, county, and state business, that nothing may be there done to impair self-government. For this purpose written instruments, called Constitutions, are drawn up, wherein is stated, what kind of business belongs to the officers (agents, representatives,) of these districts, and what not. To show our meaning better, we have, in the appendix, added the plans of two constitutions, one for a state, and the other for a confederation of states, in conformity to the principles of self-government. If these constitutions are made in conformily with this principle, and do not contain prescriptions belonging to the sphere of police, civil, and criminal) statute books, which, of course, will vary from time to time, they may be alike all over the civilized world, and seldom subject to alterations. The principal difference between our Northern and Southern states, produces a personal private business, inserted into the Southern constitution, we mean slavery. Slavery has nothing to do with constitutions, states,

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counties and towns, or the administration of justice ; slaves are no public officers, governors, judges, or members of legislatures ; they are laborers or servants-nothing else. There is no more reason why the Southern constitutions should contain a word concerning slaves, than there would be for the Constitution of Massachusetts to speak about the factory operatives in Lowell, and for the Federal Constitution about the laborers in the arsenals. *

We will here remark, that the existence of our Union depends chiefly upon the correct understanding of this subject.

9. Since families form society, (section 4,) and the performance of social or public business belongs naturally, exclusively to the family fathers, it follows, that to them exclusively belongs the right to elect public agents in town, county, and state. They exclusively have the right of suffrage. This important business requires an age where reason is (by education and instruction,) matured enough, and where industry has laid the foundation of financial independence. The age of twenty-one years is generally believed to be sufficient for this purpose. Town, county, and state business cannot be done without the help of speaking, writing, and printing; therefore à voter must be acquainted with the language in public use. Men who prove to be entirely unable to govern themselves, as the insane; or partially unfit, as drunkards, criminals, duelists; further, those who make use of physical force against unarmed officers; further, men without independent existence (town paupers, &c.,) ought to be excluded from voting. Immigrants may, in a certain time, perhaps after one year's residence in the country, be able to fulfill these conditions.

* These examples show, why objects which belong to the sphere of private business ought to be absolutely excluded from the constitutions. The more the constitutions are thronged with private business, the stronger will be the desire, either of abusing or overthrowing them. The European constitutions are in this respect more faulty than the American, and therefore more in danger of being abused or overthrown. They are, for the most part, but papers containing provisions for the private inierests of the rulers and their families, concerning their income, possessions, immunities, responsi. bilities, security by guards, armies, strong castles, fortresses, &c., which together they call rights of the crown. It is most remarkable that the illusion or humbug about the sacredness of these crown-rights has lasted until these days, when every man of a little common sense may easily comprehend, that they are only invented for the purpose of disguising the systematic extorting and amassing of money and riches.

10. From the principle of self-government, it follows, that all public business which may be better done in towns must not be devolved upon counties, and what may be betler done in towns and counties ought not to be done by states or Congress.

11. The public business in towns is executed by the Selectmen, whose president is the Mayor, according to the resolves in town meetings, or laws enacted by the state. There is no need of making any difference between large towns, generally called cities, and less populous towns, in regard to the names and general organization of the offices. Selectmen are as well as aldermen; their business is the same, only more or less. Large towns may be divided, for the sake of business convenience, into smaller districts. The public business concerning a county, is performed by delegates, who may be called Commissioners, with a president, perhaps called Overseer.

12. It may be best to establish an American common law, concerning the number of voters necessary to constitute a town, and the number of towns necessary for a county, as well as the number of counties constituting a state. It is unnecessary to mention, that only business convenience is the cause, and gives the measure for these districts, and not the notions of the middle age, nor crown titles, nor grants, nor sovereign power, nor political balance schemes, &c.

If those districts are made in conformity with the principle of self-government, the business done within them will be alike all over the world, as far as civilization reaches. Thus a town should not contain over two thousand voters; a county not over ten towns, or twenty thousand voters; and a state not over ten counties, or two hundred thousand voters. Such a division will be about right for the dispatch of public business every where. To make such districts with regard to business convenience, is, fortunately for selfgovernment, easy in North America, where self-government has been in practice for a while. But that it is very different in Europe, is shown, among other instances of daily occurrence, by the struggle in Ireland for self-government.

But this deplorable state of society in Europe and Asia will improve, the more the system of self-government is brought to perfection in America. We are indebted to the blessings of self-government, that the separation of the

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