19. Before any resolution, any petition, or other paper addressed to the Senate, shall be received and read, whether the same shall be introduced by the President or a Senator, the title shall be fairly endorsed thereon; and a brief statement of its object or contents shall be made by the introducer.

20. Every motion shall be reduced to writing by the mover, if required thereto by the President or a Senator, and a motion to lay another motion, the latter not being in writing, on the table, or otherwise to dispose of it, shall not be in order.

21. Every bill shall receive three readings before it is passed; the President shall give notice at each reading whether it be the first, second, or third; the last of which readings of public bills shall be at least twentyfour hours after the first reading, unless the Senate unanimously direct otherwise. Provided, That private bills shall be read the second time by their title. Resolutions requiring the approbation and signature of the Governor, shall be treated in all respects as bills.

22. On the demand of a Senator, public bills, after a second reading, shall be considered by the Senate as in committee of the whole.

23. The final question, upon the second reading of every bill which originated in the Senate, shall be, "Shall this bill be engrossed and read the third time?" No amendment shall be received at the third reading but may be committed for amendment at any time before its final passage. 24. Motions on bills and resolutions shall be sustained in the following order: 1. To postpone indefinitely. 2. To lay upon the table. 3. To commit, 4. To amend.

it

25. A call for the previous question shall not at any time be in order. A motion to adjourn shall always be in order, and shall be decided without debate.

26. If the question in debate contain several points, the same shall be divided on the demand of a Senator. A motion to strike out and insert shall not be divided, but the rejection of a motion to strike out and insert one proposition shall not preclude a motion to strike out and insert a different one, or a motion simply to strike out; nor shall the rejection of a motion simply to strike out, prevent a subsequent one to strike out and insert.

27. In filling blanks the largest sum and the longest time shall be first in order.

28. When the reading of a paper is called for, and the same is objected to by a Senator, the question shall be determined by a vote of the Sen

ate.

29. The yeas and nays shall be taken, on the call of a Senator, and every Senator present shall vote, unless excused by the Senate; but no Senator shall be compelled to vote, who was absent when the question was stated by the President, nor shall any one be permitted to vote, who was absent when his name was called, nor after the decision of the question has been announced from the chair.

30. No Senator in the minority, nor one who did not vote on the decision. of a question, shall have a right to move a reconsideration thereof; nor shall any motion for reconsideration be in order, unless made before the close of the next day of actual sitting of the Senate after that in which the vote was taken, and before the bill, resolution, report, amendment, address, or motion, upon which the vote was taken, shall, in the regular progress of business, have gone out of the possession of the Senate.

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31. On all questions, in the decision of which a simple majority is required, when the Senate is equally divided, the Secretary shall take the casting vote of the President. In all such cases, a motion for reconsideration, if made in time, shall be in order from any Senator who voted on the question.

32. The President shall have the right to call upon any Senator to discharge the duties of the chair whenever he shall find it necessary, temporarily, to retire; but such substitution shall not extend beyond more than one adjournment.

33. The Senate, having taken a final vote on any question, the same shall not again be in order during the same session, in any form whatever, except by way of reconsideration; and when a motion for reconsideration has been decided, that decision shall not be reconsidered.

34. No proposition to amend the rules of the Senate, or the joint rules of both houses, shall be acted on, until the same shall have been before the Senate at least twenty-four hours.

35. Messages shall be sent to the House of Representatives by the Secretary or Assistant Secretary.

36. Reporters may be placed on the floor of the Senate, under the direction of the Secretary, with the approbation of the President.

37. No persons shall be admitted within the lobby of the Senate chamber, except the Governor, Treasurer of the State, Auditor of Accounts, members of the other House, Judges of the Supreme Court, Senator and Representatives in Congress, Ex-Governors and Lieutenant Governors, Ex-Judges of the Supreme Court, Ex-Senators and Representatives in Congress, Ex-Senators of the State Senate, District Judge and Attorney of the United States, members of other State Legislatures, and such gentlemen and ladies as the President or a Senator may introduce.

38. When in session, the Senators shall sit with their heads uncovered. 39. Upon any disorderly conduct in the gallery the President may order the same to be cleared.

40. Whenever a bill or resolution is laid on the table, by order of the Senate, and shall have remained on the table twenty-four hours, it shall be subject to be taken up by the chair, and presented for the consideration of the Senate, without a call or order on the subject.

41. There shall be one door-keeper and one assistant door-keeper of the Senate; and the President may employ a boy to attend in the Senate

chamber.

Mr. Sprague introduced the following resolution:

Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be instructed to report a bill to repeal the amendment to the 63d section of 28th chapter of the Revised Statutes, passed at its October session, 1841.

And on the question of its passage, called for the yeas and nays.

Mr. Camp moved to amend said resolution so that the same should read as follows:

"Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be instructed to inquire into the expediency of repealing or amending the "act in amendment of section 63 of chapter 28 of the Revised Statutes," approved Nov. 9, 1841."

Which amendment was adopted.

And the yeas and nays being taken upon the passage of the resolution as amended, are as follows:

The Senators who voted in the affirmative are,

Messrs. Aikin, A. Allen, E. Allen, Barrett, Bartlett, Bingham, Blodgett, Briggs, Butler, Camp, Cutts, Dillingham, Dutton, Field, Green, Hatch, Hubbell, Munsill, Plumb, Porter, Sheldon, Smalley, Sowles, Sprague, Starr, Stevens, Townsley, and Wright-28.

And no Senator voting in the negative, the resolution as amended, passed.

The following communication was received from His Excellency the Governor:

To the Senate :

I have the honor to inform you that I propose to take the oaths of office which the Constitution prescribes for the Governor of this State, in the Executive Chamber, at 2 o'clock, and to make my annual communication to the General Assembly at 3 o'clock this afternoon.

EXECUTIVE CHAMBER,

Oct. 14, 1842.

The Senate adjourned.

CHARLES PAINE.

AFTERNOON.

Mr. Sprague introduced the following resolution:

Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be requested to inquire into the expediency of amending existing laws in regard to the limits of jail yards, so as to extend them to those of the counties.

Which resolution was passed.

Mr. Sheldon introduced the following resolution:

Resolved, That the Committee on Agriculture be instructed to inquire into the expediency of passing a law providing for a geological survey of the State, and report by bill or otherwise.

Which resolution, on motion of Mr. Sprague, was laid on the table.

The following communication was received from His Excellency the Governor :

To the Senate:

I have the honor to inform you, that I have appointed Henry Hale Secretary of Civil and Military Affairs for the year ensuing.

EXECUTIVE CHAMBER,

CHARLES PAINE.

Oct. 14, 1842.

Mr. Camp introduced the following resolution:

Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives, That a joint Committee, consisting of three members from each house, be appointed by their respective presiding officers to report Joint Rules.

Which resolution was read and adopted.

(S. 2.) Mr. Briggs introduced a bill entitled "an act to repeal the 22d section, chapter 58, of the Revised Statutes."

Which was read twice and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

A message from the House of Representatives, by Mr. Merrill, their Clerk:

MR. PRESIDENT:-The House of Representatives concur with the Senate in passing the resolution relating to a Legislative Directory, with proposals of amendment, in which they request the concurrence of the Senate.

A message from the Governor, by Mr. Hale, Secretary of Civil and Military Affairs:

MR. PRESIDENT: I am directed by His Excellency the Governor, to communicate to the Senate his annual Message to the General Assembly. The said annual Message was read and is as follows:

MESSAGE.

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives :

It affords me much pleasure again to meet you in these halls of legislation, to deliberate upon the welfare of the people of this state, and to make such provisions for their improvement as your wisdom may devise. Since we were last assembled here, our whole country has been in the enjoyment of all the blessings which a bountiful Providence could bestow, and the year has been distinguished by several events which can hardly fail to add to the general prosperity and happiness.

In a spirit of mutual concession and forbearance, the Governments of the United States and Great Britain have, by treaty, succecded in removing those causes of discord and animosity between the two countries, which had become so alarming, and in laying the foundation for a wise and, I trust, a lasting peace. The negociation of this treaty, conducted, as it has been, with a view to the good of man rather than for the gratification of his passions, is an honor to the age and to the nations engaged in it.

The great interests of our beloved country have also been rescued from the destruction which seemed impending over them, by the wise and magnanimous efforts of Congress to secure a Tariff of duties adequate to protect them. When we look back upon the strife of elements, from which have proceeded the blessings of peace and protection to domestic industry, the two greatest interests, perhaps, which it is the duty of the national government to guard, we find abundant cause for gratitude towards the Disposer of the hearts of men.

We have now every reason to hope that the prosperity of the country

will begin again to revive; nor can we be in immediate danger of repeating those experiments upon it, the fruits of which have already been so bitter. Experience, so dearly purchased, cannot have failed to teach us wisdom and prudence for the future. The trials of adversity, and especially those which are self-inflicted, have their uses for nations not less than for individuals. We have only to look back upon what we have suffered, and upon what we might have enjoyed, to learn the extent of our blindness and folly.

But we should greatly err, in our review of the past, were we to impute all the blame to our rulers. It was ourselves, individually, who were first at fault. We had become too insensible of the inestimable advantages of self government, and of the unceasing watchfulness and activity which such government always demands of those who would enjoy it. We have perhaps yet to learn how eminently, above all other nations, we are blessed in our form of government; but we certainly ought to have discovered, by this time, that, whether we are well or ill governed, must depend wholly on ourselves. If we have intelligence, activity, and energy enough to place and keep in power honest and able rulers, political self-government is undoubtedly the best form of which we have any knowledge; but if we have not these qualities, it is probably the worst. Self-government arms us, for our protection, with the right of suffrage and with the power of enlightening and improving our fellow-men. These have been given us, not to be thrown aside, or neglected at our pleasure, but to be preserved and cherished, as the choicest rights of freemen, and to be diligently and perseveringly used on all occasions. The destinies of our beloved country are, in some degree, in the hands of each one of us, and not only the destinies of our own country, but those of the human race. On our shores liberty has unfurled her standard. If she find sons here worthy to bear it, it will not only continue to wave over our own heads, but it will stand as a signal to other nations. Let us not then be unmindful of our high responsibilities: but let us place our duties to our country and her institutions next after those to religion and our Maker.

In looking back upon the events of the past year, we find reason to be grateful not only that we have escaped the dangers of a foreign, but the horrors of a civil war. Incredible as it may appear, in an age and country like ours, but a few months have elapsed, since, almost in our own neighborhood, sons have been armed against fathers, and brothers against brothers, and trains of artillery have been pointed with deadly intent, while accident alone has prevented the lighting of the match which might have deluged our whole country in blood. I shudder to think that the spirit of party has, so soon, and with so little cause, involved us in a scene like this. The danger we have but just escaped is the greatest and most appalling with which we have been threatened since we became a nation. It was neither imaginary, nor uncertain in magnitude. It attempted to conceal the odious features of rebellion, and assume the more attractive form of justifiable revolution. In this disguise it appeared to, and enlisted the sympathies of those, who had originally no concern with it, and it was then, and not before, that it became the cause of general and well grounded alarm. However we may be divided by state lines, when internal or external wars are threatened, we are but one people. Whatever may be the cause of rebellion, or revolution, in a single state, its consequences can never be confined within its own limits. They will extend throughout the Tand, and involve, eventually, every member of the Con