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Why shall it not be done? All agree that it ought to be done. What, then, shall prevent its being done? Nothing but timidity or division of the opponents of the Democratic party.

Some of these opponents start one objection, and some another. Let us notice these objections briefly. One class say that they cannot trust the Republican party; that it has not avowed its hostility to Slavery boldly enough, or its affection for Freedom earnestly enough.

on the ground of a fear that, if left to enjoy the right of suffrage, he might seduce the free white citizen into amalgamation with his wronged and despised race. The Democratic party condemned and deposed John Quincy Adams, because he expended $12,000,000 year, while it justifies his favored successor in spending $70,000,000, $80,000,000, and even $100,000,000, a year. It denies emancipation in the District of Columbia, even with compensation to masters and the consent of the people, on the ground of an implied constitutional inhibition, although the Constitution I ask, in reply, is there any other party expressly confers upon Congress sovereign which can be more safely trusted? Every legislative power in that District, and although one knows that it is the Republican party, or the Democratic party is tenacious of the prin- none, that shall displace the Democratic ciple of strict construction. It violated the party. But I answer, further, that the chaexpress provisions of the Constitution in sup-racter and fidelity of any party are deterpressing petition and debate on the subject of mined, necessarily, not by its pledges, proSlavery, through fear of disturbance of the grammes, and platforms, but by the public public harmony, although it claims that the exigencies, and the temper of the people wher electors have a right to instruct their repre- they call it into activity. Subserviency to sentatives, and even demand their resignation in cases of contumacy. It extended Slavery over Texas, and connived at the attempt to spread it across the Mexican territories, even to the shores of the Pacific Ocean, under a plea of enlarging the area of Freedom. It abrogated the Mexican slave law and the Missouri Compromise prohibition of Slavery in Kansas, not to open the new Territories to Others cannot support the Republican Slavery, but to try therein the new and fasci-party, because it has not sufficiently exposed nating theories of Non-intervention and its platform, and determined what it will do, Popular Sovereignty; and, finally, it over-and what it will not do, when triumphant. threw both these new and elegant systems by It may prove too progressive for some, and the English Lecompton bill and the Dred too conservative for others. As if any party Scott decision, on the ground that the free States ought not to enter the Union without a population equal to the representative basis of one member of Congress, although slave States might come in without inspection as to their numbers.

Slavery is a law written not only on the forehead of the Democratic party, but also in its very soul-so resistance to Slavery, and devotion to Freedom, the popular elements now actively working for the Republican party among the people, must and will be the resources for its ever-renewing strength and constant invigoration.

ever foresaw so clearly the course of future events as to plan a universal scheme for future action, adapted to all possible emergencies. Who would ever have joined even the Whig party of the Revolution, if it had been obliged to answer, in 1775, whether it would declare for Independence in 1776, and for this noble Federal Constitution of ours in 1787, and not a year earlier or later?

Will any member of the Democratic party now here claim that the authorities chosen by the suffrages of the party transcended their partisan platforms, and so misrepresented the The people of the United States will be as party in the various transactions I have re-wise next year, and the year afterward, and cited? Then I ask him to name one Demo- even ten years hence, as we are now. They cratic statesman or legislator, from Van Buren will oblige the Republican party to act as the to Walker, who either timidly or cautiously public welfare and the interests of justice like them, or boldly and defiantly like and humanity shall require, through all the Douglas, ever refused to execute a behest of stages of its career, whether of trial or the slaveholders, and was not therefor, and triumph. for no other cause, immediately denounced, and deposed from his trust, and repudiated by the Democratic party for that contu

macy.

I think, fellow-citizens, that I have shown you that it is high time for the friends of Freedom to rush to the rescue of the Constitution, and that their very first duty is to dismiss the Democratic party from the administration of the Government.

Others will not venture an effort, because they fear that the Union would not endure the change. Will such objectors tell me how long a Constitution can bear a strain directly along the fibres of which it is composed? This is a Constitution of Freedom. It is being converted into a Constitution of Slavery. It is a republican Constitution. It is being made an aristocratic one. Others wish to wait until some collateral questions concern

ing temperance, or the exercise of the elective | party that had the conscience and the courage franchise are properly settled. Let me ask to take up, and avow, and practise the lifeall such persons, whether time enough has inspiring principle which the Democratic not been wasted on these points already, party had surrendered. At last, the Repubwithout gaining any other than this single ad-lican party has appeared. It avows now, as vantage, namely, the discovery that only one the Republican party of 1800 did, in one thing can be effectually done at one time, and word, its faith and its works, "Equal and that the one thing which must and will be exact justice to all men." Even when it first done at any one time is just that thing which entered the field, only half organized, it is most urgent, and will no longer admit of struck a blow which only just failed to secure postponement or delay. Finally, we are told complete and triumphant victory. In this, by faint-hearted men that they despond; the its second campaign, it has already won advanDemocratic party, they say, is unconquerable, tages which render that triumph now both and the dominion of Slavery is consequently easy and certain. inevitable. I reply to them, that the com- The secret of its assured success lies in that plete and universal dominion of Slavery very characteristic which, in the mouth of would be intolerable enough when it should scoffers, constitutes its great and lasting imbehave come after the last possible effort to cility and reproach. It lies in the fact that it escape should have been made. There would, is a party of one idea; but that idea is a noble in that case, be left to us the consoling reflec-one-an idea that fills and expands all genetion of fidelity to duty. rous souls; the idea of equality-the equality of all men before human tribunals and human laws, as they all are equal before the Divine tribunal and Divine laws.

But I reply, further, that I know-few, I think, know better than I--the resources and energies of the Democratic party, which is identical with the Slave Power. I do ample I know, and you know, that a revolution prestige to its traditional popularity. I know, has begun. I know, and all the world knows, further-few, I think, know better than I that revolutions never go backward. Twenty the difficulties and disadvantages of organizing a new political force like the Republican party, and the obstacles it must encounter in laboring without prestige and without patronage. But, notwithstanding all this, I know that the Democratic party must go down, and that the Republican party must rise into its place. The Democratic party derived its strength, originally, from its adoption of the principles of equal and exact justice to all

men.

So long as it practised this principle faithfully, it was invulnerable. It became vulnerable when it renounced the principle, and since that time it has maintained itself, not by virtue of its own strength, or even of its traditional merits, but because there as yet had appeared in the political field no other

Senators and a hundred Representatives proclaim boldly in Congress to-day sentiments and opinions and principles of Freedom which hardly so many men, even in this free State, dared to utter in their own homes twenty years ago. While the Government of the United States, under the conduct of the Democratic party, has been all that time surrendering one plain and castle after another to Slavery, the people of the United States have been no less steadily and perseveringly gathering together the forces with which to recover back again all the fields and all the castles which have been lost, and to confound and overthrow, by one decisive blow, the betrayers of the Constitution and Freedom forever.

"Negro Slavery not Unjust."

A SPEECH BY CHARLES O'CONOR

AT THE UNION MEETING

AT THE ACADEMY OF MUSIC, NEW YORK CITY, DEC. 19, 1859.

MR. MAYOR AND GENTLEMEN :-I cannot ex- | ocean and discover the empire that we now press to you the delight which I experience enjoy. But a few years, comparatively, had in beholding in this great city so vast an as- elapsed when there was raised up in this sembly of my fellow citizens, convened for blessed land a set of men whose like had never the purpose stated in your resolutions. I am before existed upon the face of this earth. delighted beyond measure to behold at this Men unequalled in their perceptions of the time so vast an assembly responding to the true principles of justice, in their comprehencall of a body so respectable as the twenty sive benevolence, in their capacity to lay thousand New Yorkers who have convened safely, justly, soundly, and with all the quathis meeting. If anything can give assurance lities which should insure permanency, the to those who doubt, and confidence to those foundations of an empire. It was in 1776, who may have had misgivings as to the per- and in this country, that there assembled the manency of our institutions, and the solidity first, the very first, assembly of rational men of the support which the people of the North who ever proclaimed, in clear and undeniable are prepared to give them, it is that in the form, the immutable principles of liberty, and queen city of the New World, in the capital consecrated, to all time I trust, in the face of of North America, there is assembled a meet- tyrants, and in opposition to their power, the ing so large, so respectable, and so unanimous rights of nations and the rights of men. (Apas this meeting has shown itself to be in re-plause.) These patriots, as soon as the storm ceiving sentiments which, if observed, must of war had passed away, sat down and framed protect our Union from destruction, and even from danger. (Applause.) Gentlemen, is it not a subject of astonishment that the idea of danger, and the still more dreadful idea of dissolution, should be heard from the lips of an American citizen, at this day, in reference to, or in connection with, the sacred name of this most sacred Union? (Applause.) Why gentlemen, what is our Union? What are its antecedents? What is its present condition? If we ward off the evils which threaten it, what its future hope for us and for the great family of mankind? Why, gentlemen, it may well be said of this Union as a government, that as it is the last offspring, so is it Time's most glorious and beneficent production. Gentlemen, we are created by an Omniscient Being. We are created by a Being not only All-Seeing, but All-Powerful and All-Wise. And in the benignity and the farseeing wisdom of His power, He permitted the great family of mankind to live on, to advance, to improve, step by step, and yet permitted five thousand years and upward to elapse ere He laid the foundatinn of a truly free, a truly happy, and a truly independent empire. It was not, gentlemen, until that great length of time had elapsed, that the earth was deemed mature for laying the foundations of this mighty and prosperous State. It was then that He inspired the noble-minded and chivalrous Genoese to set forth upon the trackless

that instrument upon which our Union rests, the Constitution of the United States of America. (Applause.) And the question now before us is neither more nor less than this: whether that Constitution, consecrated by the blood shed in that glorious Revolution, consecrated by the signature of the most illustrious man who ever lived, George Washington (applause) - whether that instrument, accepted by the wisest and by the best of that day, and accepted in convention, one by one, in each and every State of this Union-that instrument from which so many blessings have flown-whether that instrument was conceived in crime, is a chapter of abominations (cries of "No, no "), is a violation of justice, is a league between strong-handed but wicked-hearted white men to oppress, and impoverish, and plunder their fellow-creatures, contrary to rectitude, honor and justice. (Applause.) This is the question, neither more nor less. We are told from pulpits, we are told from the political rostrum, we are told in the legislative assemblies of our Northern States, not merely by speakers, but by distinct resolutions of the whole body-we are told by gentlemen occupying seats in the Congress of the Union through the votes of Northern people-that the Constitution seeks to enshrine, to protect, to defend a monstrous crime against justice and humanity, and that it is our duty to defeat its provisions, to outwit

them, if we cannot otherwise get rid of their probably would, if they had their way, simply effect, and to trample upon the rights which it change the order of proceedings, and transfer aas declared shall be protected and insured to the husband to the kitchen, and themselves our brethren of the South. (Applause.) That is to the field or the cabinet. (Laughter and the doctrine now advocated. And I ask wheth-applause.) So long, I say, as this sentimener that doctrine, necessarily involving the tality touching slavery confined itself to the destruction of our Union, shall be permitted to formation of parties and societies of this desprevail as it has hitherto prevailed? Gentle- cription, it certainly could do no great harm, · men, I trust you will excuse me for deliberately and we might satisfy ourselves with the coming up to and meeting this question-not maxim that "Error can do little harm as long seeking to captivate your fancies by a trick of as truth is left free to combat it." But unforwords-not seeking to exalt your imaginations tunately, gentlemen, this sentimentality_has by declamation or by any effort at eloquence found its way out of the meeting-houses-from —but meeting this question gravely, sedately, among pious people, assemblies of speculative and soberly, and asking you what is to be our philosophers, and societies formed to benefit course in relation to it? Gentlemen, the Con- the inhabitants of Barioboola-gha-it has stitution guarantees to the people of the found its way into the heart of the selfish Southern States the protection of their slave politician; it has been made the war-cry of property. In that respect it is a solemn com- party; it has been made the instrument pact between the North and the South. As whereby to elevate not merely to personal a solemn compact, are we at liberty to violate distinction and social rank, but to political it? (Cries of "No, no!") Are we at liberty power. Throughout the non-slaveholding to seek or take any mean, petty advantage of States of this Union, men have been thus eleit? (Cries of "No! no!")" Are we at liberty vated who advocate a course of conduct necesto con over its particular words, and to re- sarily exasperating the South, and the natural strict and to limit its operation, so as to acquire effect of whose teachings renders the Southern under such narrow construction, a pretence of people insecure in their property and their right by hostile and adverse legislation? lives, making it a matter of doubt each night ("No! no!")-to interfere with the interests, whether they can safely retire to their slumwound the feelings, and trample on the politi-bers without sentries and guards to protect cal rights of our Southern fellow-citizens? them against incursions from the North. I {"No! no! no!") No, gentlemen. If it be a say the effect has been to elevate, on the compact, and has anything sacred in it, we strength of this sentiment, such men to power. are bound to observe it in good faith, honestly | And what is the result-the condition of and honorably, not merely to the letter, but things at this day? Why, gentlemen, the fully to the spirit, and not in any mincing, occasion that calls us together is the occurhalf-way, unfair, or illiberal construction, rence of a raid upon the State of Virginia by seeking to satisfy the letter, to give as little a few misguided fanatics-followers of these as we can, and thereby to defeat the spirit. doctrines, with arms in their hands, and bent (Applause.) That may be the way that some upon rapine and murder. I called them folmen keep a contract about the sale of a house lowers, but they should be deemed leaders. or of a chattel, but it is not the way honest They were the best, the bravest, and the most men observe contracts, even in relation to the virtuous of all the abolition party. (Apmost trivial things. ("True," and applause.) plause.) On the Lord's day, at the hour of What has been done, having a tendency to still repose, they armed the bondman with disturb harmony under this Constitution, and pikes brought from the North, that he might to break down and destroy the union now ex-slay his master, his master's wife, and his isting between these States? Why, gentle-master's little children. And immediately men, at an early period the subject of slavery, succeeding to it-at this very instant-what as a mere philosophical question, was dis-is the political question pending before Concussed by many, and its justice or injustice gress? made the subject of argument leading to A book substantially encouraging the same various opinions. It mattered little how long course of provocation toward the South which this discussion should last, while it was con- has been long pursued, is openly recommended fined within such limits. If it had only led to circulation by sixty-eight members of your to the formation of societies like the Shakers, Congress. (Cries of "Shame on them," apwho do not believe in matrimony; societies plause, and hisses.) Recommended to circulike the people of Utah, destined to a short lation by sixty-eight members of your Concareer, who believe in too much of it (laugh- gress, all elected in Northern States (hisses ter); or societies of people like the strong- and applause)-every one, I say, elected from minded women of our country, who believe non-slaveholding States. And with the assistthat women are much better qualified than ance of their associates, some of whom hold men to perform the functions and offices usu- their offices by your votes, there is great danally performed by men (laughter)-and whoger that they will elect to the highest office

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m that body, where he will sit as a represen- | South, you shall enjoy its glorious past; yon tative of the whole North, a man who united shall enjoy its mighty recollections; but it in causing that book to be distributed through | shall trample your institutions in the dust." the South, carrying poison and death in its We have no right to say it. We have no polluted leaves. ("Hang him," and applause.) right to exact so much; and an opposite and Is it not fair to say that this great and glori- entirely different course, fellow-citizens, must Dus Union is menaced when such a state of be ours-must be the course of the great things is found to exist? when such an act is North, if we would preserve this Union. attempted? Is it reasonable to expect that (Applause, and cries of "Good.") our brethren of the South will calmly sit down And, gentlemen, what is this glorious Un("No") and submit quietly to such an out-ion? What must we sacrifice if we exasperage? (Cries of "No, no.") Why, gentle-rate our brethren of the South, and compel men, we greatly exceed them in numbers. them, by injustice and breach of compact, to The non-slaveholding States are by far the separate from us and to dissolve it? Why, more populous; they are increasing daily in gentlemen, the greatness and glory of the numbers and in population and we may soon American name will then be a thing of yesoverwhelm the Southern vote. If we con- terday. The glorious Revolution of the thirtinue to fill the halls of legislation with aboli- teen States will be a Revolution not achieved tionists, and permit to occupy the executive by us, but by a nation that has ceased to exchair men who declare themselves to be en- ist. The name of Washington will be, to us listed in a crusade against slavery, and against at least at the North (cheers), but as name of the provisions of the Constitution which se- Julius Cæsar, or of some other great hero who cure that species of property, what can we has lived in times gone by, whose nation has reasonably expect from the people of the South perished and exists no more. The Declaration but that they will pronounce the Constitution of Independence, what will that be? Why, -with all its glorious associations, with all the declaration of a State that no longer has its sacred memories-this Union, with its place among the nations. All these bright manifold present and promised blessings-an and glorious recollections of the past must unendurable evil, threatening to crush and to cease to be our property, and become mere destroy their most vital interests-to make memorials of a by-gone race and people. A their country a wilderness. Why should we line must divide the North from the South. expect them to submit to such a line of con- What will be the consequences? Will this duct on our part, and recognize us as brethren, mighty city-growing as it now is, with or unite with us in perpetuating the Union? weath pouring into it from every portion of this mighty empire-will it continue to flourish as it has done? (Cries of "No, no!") Will your marble palaces that line Broadway, and raise their proud tops toward the sky, continue to increase, until, as is now promised under the Union, it shall present the most glorious picture of wealth, prosperity, and happiness, that the world has ever seen (Applause.) No! gentlemen, no! such things cannot be. I do not say that we will starve, that we will perish, as a people, if we separate from the South. I admit, that if the line be drawn between us, they will have their

For my part I do not see anything unjust or unreasonable in the declaration often made by Southern members on this subject. They tell

us:

"If you will thus assail us with incendiary pamphlets, if you will thus create a spirit in your country which leads to violence and bloodshed among us, if you will assail the institution upon which the prosperity of our country depends, and will elevate to office over us men who are pledged to aid in such transactions, and to oppress us by hostile legislation, we cannot-much as we revere the Constitution, greatly as we estimate the blessings which would flow from its faithful en-measure of prosperity, and we will have ours; forcement-we cannot longer depend on your compliance with its injunctions, or adhere to the Union." For my part, gentlemen, if the

North continues to conduct itself in the selection of representatives to the Congress of the United States as, from, perhaps, a certain degree of negligence and inattention, it has heretofore conducted itself, the South is not to be censured if it withdraws from the Union. Hisses and applause. A voice-"that's so." Three cheers for the Fugitive Slave Law) We are not, gentlemen, to hold a meeting to say that "We love this Union; we delight in it; we are proud of it; it blesses us, and we enoy it; but we shall fill all its offices with men of our own choosing, and, our brethren of the

but meagre, small in the extreme, compared with what is existing, and promised under our Union, will be the prosperity of each.

Truly has it been said here to-night, that we were made for each other; separate us, and although you may not destroy us, you reduce each to so low a scale that well might humanity deplore the evil courses that brought about the result. True, gentlemen, we would have left, to boast of, our share of the glories of the Revolution. The Northern States sent forth to the conflict their bands of heroes, and shed their blood as freely as those of the South. But the dividing line would take away from us the grave of Washington. 'It is in his own beloved Virginia. (Applause