The Irrepressible Conflict. A SPEECH BY WILLIAM H. SEWARD, DELIVERED AT ROCHESTER, MONDAY, OCT 25, 1858. FELLOW-CITIZENS: The unmistakable out- | dates beyond a period of five hundred years. breaks of zeal which occur all around me, show The great melioration of human society which that you are earnest men-and such a man am modern times exhibit, is mainly due to the I. Let us therefore, at least for a time, pass incomplete substitution of the system of volunby all secondary and collateral questions, tary labor for the old one of servile labor, whether of a personal or of a general nature, which has already taken place. This African and consider the main subject of the present slave system is one which, in its origin and in canvass. The Democratic party-or, to speak its growth, has been altogether foreign from more accurately-the party which wears that the habits of the races which colonized these attractive name, is in possession of the Federal States, and established civilization here. It Government. The Republicans propose to dis- was introduced on this new continent as an lodge that party, and dismiss it from its high engine of conquest, and for the establishment of monarchical power, by the Portuguese and the Spaniards, and was rapidly extended by them all over South America, Central America, Louisiana, and Mexico. Its legitimate fruits are seen in the poverty, imbecility, and anarchy, which now pervade all Portuguese and Spanish America. The free-labor system is of German extraction, and it was established in our country by emigrants from Sweden, Holland, Germany, Great Britain, and Ireland. trust. The main subject, then, is, whether the Democratic party deserves to retain the confidence of the American People. In attempting to prove it unworthy, I think that I am not actuated by prejudices against that party, or by prepossessions in favor of its adversary; for I have learned, by some experience, that virtue and patriotism, vice and selfishness, are found in all parties, and that they differ less in their motives than in the policies they pursue. Our country is a theatre, which exhibits, in full operation, two radically different political systems; the one resting on the basis of servile or slave labor, the other on the basis of voluntary labor of freemen. We justly ascribe to its influences the strength, wealth, greatness, intelligence, and freedom, which the whole American people now enjoy. One of the chief elements of the value of human life is freedom in the pursuit The laborers who are enslaved are all ne- of happiness. The slave system is not only ingroes, or persons more or less purely of Afri-tolerant, unjust, and inhuman, toward the lacan derivation. But this is only accidental. The principle of the system is, that labor in every society, by whomsoever performed, is necessarily unintellectual, grovelling and base; and that the laborer, equally for his own good and for the welfare of the State, ought to be enslaved. The white laboring man, whether native or foreigner, is not enslaved, only because he cannot, as yet, be reduced to bondage. You need not be told now that the slave system is the older of the two, and that once it was universal. The emancipation of our own ancestors, Caucasians and Europeans as they were, hardly borer, whom, only because he is a laborer, it FOR SALE AT THE OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK TRIBUNE. PRICE, PER SINGLE COPY, 40.; 2 consciences of men, and therefore is always | the cost of civil war, if necessary. The slave and everywhere beneficent. States, without law, at the last national eleoThe slave system is one of constant danger, tion, successfully forbade, within their own distrust, suspicion, and watchfulness. It de- limits, even the casting of votes for a candibases those whose toil alone can produce date for President of the United States supwealth and resources for defence, to the lowest posed to be favorable to the establishment of degree of which human nature is capable, to the free-labor system in new States. guard against mutiny and insurrection, and Hitherto, the two systems have existed in thus wastes energies which otherwise might different States, but side by side within the be employed in national development and American Union. This has happened because aggrandizement. the Union is a confederation of States. But The free-labor system educates all alike, and in another aspect the United States constitute by opening all the fields of industrial employ-only one nation. Increase of population, which ment, and all the departments of authority, to is filling the States out to their very borders, the unchecked and equal rivalry of all classes together with a new and extended net-work of men, at once secures universal contentment, of railroads and other avenues, and an interand brings into the highest possible activity all nal commerce which daily becomes more intithe physical, moral, and social energies of the mate, is rapidly bringing the States into a whole State. In States where the slave-sys- higher and more perfect social unity or contem prevails, the masters, directly or indirect-solidation. Thus, these antagonistic systems ly, secure all political power, and constitute a are continually coming into closer contact, ruling aristocracy. In States where the free- and collision results. labor system prevails, universal suffrage necessarily obtains, and the State inevitably becomes, sooner or later, a republic or democracy. + Shall I tell you what this collision means? They who think that it is accidental, unnecessary, the work of interested or fanatical agitators, and therefore ephemeral, mistake the case altogether. It is an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces, and it Russia yet maintains slavery, and is a despotism. Most of the other European states have abolished slavery, and adopted the sys-means that the United States must and will, tem of free labor. It was the antagonistic po- sooner or later, become either entirely a slavelitical tendencies of the two systems which holding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation. the first Napoleon was contemplating when Either the cotton and rice fields of South Cahe predicted that Europe would ultimately be rolina and the sugar plantations of Louisiana either all Cossack or all Republican. Never will ultimately be tilled by free labor, and did human sagacity utter a more pregnant Charleston and New Orleans become marts truth. The two systems are at once perceived for legitimate merchandise alone, or else the to be incongruous. But they are more than rye-fields and wheat-fields of Massachusetts incongruous-they are incompatible. They and New York must again be surrendered by never have permanently existed together in their farmers to slave culture and to the pro one country, and they never can. It would be duction of slaves, and Boston and New York easy to demonstrate this impossibility, from become once more markets for trade in the the irreconcilable contrast between their great bodies and souls of men. It is the failure to principles and characteristics. But the ex-apprehend this great truth that induces so perience of mankind has conclusively estab- many unsuccessful attempts at final comprolished it. Slavery, as I have already intimated, mise between the slave and free States, and it existed in every state in Europe. Free labor is the existence of this great fact that renders has supplanted it everywhere except in Rus- all such pretended compromises, when made, sia and Turkey. State necessities developed vain and ephemeral. Startling as this saying in modern times, are now obliging even those may appear to you, fellow-citizens, it is by no two nations to encourage and employ free means an original or even a modern one. Our labor; and already, despotic as they are, we forefathers knew it to be true, and unanimousfind them engaged in abolishing slavery. In ly acted upon it when they framed the Conthe United States, slavery came into collision stitution of the United States. They regarded with free labor at the close of the last century, the existence of the servile system in so many and fell before it in New England, New York, of the States with sorrow and shame, which New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, but triumphed they openly confessed, and they looked upon over it effectually, and excluded it for a period the collision between them, which was then yet undetermined, from Virginia, the Caro- just revealing itself, and which we are now linas, and Georgia. Indeed, so incompatible accustomed to deplore, with favor and hope. are the two systems, that every new State They knew that either the one or the other which is organized within our ever-extending system must exclusively prevail. domain makes its first political act a choice of the one and an exclusion of the other, even at Unlike too many of those who in modern time invoke their authority, they had a choice between the two. They preferred the system | themselves not only thus regarded with favor, of free labor, and they determined to organize but which they may be said to have instithe Government, and so to direct its activity, tuted. that that system should surely and certainly a al It is not to be denied, however, that thus prevail. For this purpose, and no other, they far the course of that contest has not been based the whole structure of Government according to their humane anticipations and broadly on the principle that all men are wishes. In the field of federal politics, Slacreated equal, and therefore free-little dream- very, deriving unlooked-for advantages from ing that, within the short period of one hun-commercial changes, and energies unforeseen dred years, their descendants would bear to from the facilities of combination between be told by any orator, however popular, that members of the slaveholding class and between the utterance of that principle was merely a that class and other property classes, early rhetorical rhapsody; or by any judge, how-rallied, and has at length made a stand, not ever venerated, that it was attended by men- merely to retain its original defensive position, tal reservations, which rendered it hypocriti- but to extend its sway throughout the whole cal and false. By the Ordinance of 1787, they Union. It is certain that the slaveholding dedicated all of the national domain not yet class of American citizens indulge this high polluted by Slavery to free labor immediately, ambition, and that they derive encouragement thenceforth and forever; while by the new for it from the rapid and effective political Constitution and laws they invited foreign successes which they have already obtained. free labor from all lands under the sun, and The plan of operation is this: By continued interdicted the importation of African slave appliances of patronage and threats of dislabor, at all times, in all places, and under all union, they will keep a majority favorable to circumstances whatsoever. It is true that these designs in the Senate, where each State they necessarily and wisely modified this has an equal representation. Through that policy of Freedom, by leaving it to the several majority they will defeat, as they best can, States, affected as they were by differing cir- the admission of free States and secure the cumstances, to abolish Slavery in their own admission of slave States. Under the protecway and at their own pleasure, instead of tion of the Judiciary, they will, on the princiconfiding that duty to Congress, and that they ple of the Dred Scott case, carry Slavery into secured to the Slave States, while yet retain- all the Territories of the United States now ing the system of Slavery, a three-fifths repre-existing and hereafter to be organized. By sentation of slaves in the Federal Government, the action of the President and the Senate, until they should find themselves able to re-using the treaty-making power, they will anlinquish it with safety. But the very nature nex foreign slaveholding States. In a favorof these modifications fortifies my positionable conjuncture they will induce Congress to that the fathers knew that the two systems repeal the act of 1808, which prohibits the could not endure within the Union, and ex-foreign slave-trade, and so they will import pected that within a short period Slavery from Africa, at the cost of only $20 a head, would disappear forever. Moreover, in order slaves enough to fill up the interior of the that these modifications might not altogether continent. Thus relatively increasing the defeat their grand design of a Republic main- number of slave States, they will allow no taining universal equality, they provided that amendment to the Constitution prejudicial to two-thirds of the States might amend the their interest; and so, having permanently Constitution. established their power, they expect the Federal Judiciary to nullify all State laws which shall interfere with internal or foreign commerce in slaves. When the free States shall be sufficiently demoralized to tolerate these designs, they reasonably conclude that Slavery will be accepted by those States themselves. I shall not stop to show how speedy or how complete would be the ruin which the accomplishment of these slaveholding schemes would bring upon the country. For one, I should not remain in the country to test the sad experiment. Having spent my manhood, though not my whole life, in a free State, no aristocracy of any kind, much less an aristocracy of slaveholders, shall ever make the laws of the land in which I shall be content to live. Having seen the society around me universally engaged in agriculture, mann It remains to say on this point only one werd, to guard against misapprehension. If these States are to again become universally slave-holding, I do not pretend to say with what violations of the Constitution that end shall be accomplished. On the other hand, while I do confidently believe and hope that my country will yet become a land of universal Freedom, I do not expect that it will be made so otherwise than through the action of the several States coöperating with the Federal Government, and all acting in strict conformity with their respective Constitutions. The strife and contentions concerning Slavery, which gently-disposed persons so habitually deprecate, are nothing more than the ripening of the conflict which the fathors 4 factures and trade, which were innocent and tinued organization. The Democratic party, beneficent, I shall never be a denizen of a being thus local and sectional, acquires new State where men and women are reared as strength from the admission of every new cattle, and bought and sold as merchandise. slave State, and loses relatively by the adWhen that evil day shall come, and all further mission of every new free State into the effort at resistance shall be impossible, then, Union. if there shall be no better hope for redemp A party is in one sense a joint-stock association than I can now foresee, I shall say with tion, in which those who contribute most Franklin, while looking abroad over the whole direct the action and management of the earth for a new and more congenial home, | concern. The slaveholders contributing in "Where liberty dwells, there is my country." an overwhelming proportion to the capital You will tell me that these fears are extra-strength of the Democratic party, they necesvagant and chimerical. I answer, they are sarily dictate and prescribe its policy. The so; but they are so only because the designs inevitable caucus system enables them to do of the slaveholders must and can be defeated. so with a show of fairness and justice. If it But it is only the possibility of defeat that were possible to conceive for a moment that renders them so. They cannot be defeated the Democratic party should disobey the beby inactivity. There is no escape from them, hests of the slaveholders, we should then see compatible with non-resistance. How, then, a withdrawal of the slaveholders, which would and in what way, shall the necessary resist- leave the party to perish. The portion of the ance be made? There is only one way. The party which is found in the free States is a Democratic party must be permanently dis- mere appendage, convenient to modify its lodged from the Government. The reason is, sectional character, without impairing its secthat the Democratic party is inextricably tional constitution, and is less effective in committed to the designs of the slaveholders, regulating its movement than the nebulous which I have described. Let me be well tail of the comet is in determining the apunderstood. I do not charge that the Demo- pointed though apparently eccentric course of cratic candidates for public office now before the fiery sphere from which it emanates. the people are pledged to, much less that the To expect the Democratic party to resist Democratic masses who support them really | Slavery and favor Freedom, is as unreasonable adopt, those atrocious and dangerous designs. as to look for Protestant missionaries to the Candidates may, and generally do, mean to Catholic Propaganda of Rome. The history act justly, wisely, and patriotically, when they shall be elected; but they become the ministers and servants, not the dictators, of the power which elects them. The policy which a party shall pursue at a future period is only gradually developed, depending on the occurrence of events never fully foreknown. The motives of men, whether acting as electors or in any other capacity, are generally pure. Nevertheless, it is not more true that "Hell is paved with good intentions," than it is that earth is covered with wrecks resulting from innocent and amiable motives. of the Democratic party commits it to the policy of Slavery. It has been the Democratic party, and no other agency, which has carried that policy up to its present alarming culmination. Without stopping to ascertain, critically, the origin of the present Democratic party, we may concede its claim to date from the era of good feeling which occurred under the Administration of President Monroe. At that time, in this State, and about that time in many others of the free States, the Democratic party deliberately disfranchised the free colored or African citizen, and it has pertinaciously continued this disfranchisement ever since. This was an effective aid to Slavery; for while the slaveholder votes for his slaves against Freedom, the freed slave in the free States is prohibited from voting against Slavery. The very constitution of the Democratic party commits it to execute all the designs of the slaveholders, whatever they may be. It is not a party of the whole Union, of all the free States and of all the slave States; nor yet is it a party of the free States in the North and in the Northwest; but it is a sectional In 1824, the Democracy resisted the elecand local party, having practically its seat tion of John Quincy Adams-himself before within the slave States, and counting its con- that time an acceptable Democrat-and in stituency chiefly and almost exclusively there. 1828, it expelled him from the Presidency Of all its representatives in Congress and in and put a slaveholder in his place, although the Electoral Colleges, two-thirds uniformly the office had been filled by slaveholders come from these States. Its great element of thirty-two out of forty years. strength lies in the vote of the slaveholders, In 1836, Martin Van Buren-the first nonaugmented by the representation of three-slaveholding citizen of a free State to whose fifths of the slaves. Deprive the Democratic election the Democratic party ever consented party of this strength, and it would be a help-|—signalized his inauguration into the Presi less and hopeless minority, incapable of con-'dency by a gratuitous announcement, that ander no circumstances would he ever approve and intimidations, from the Halls of Congress, a bill for the abolition of Slavery in the Dis- and armed the President with military power trict of Columbia. From 1838 to 1844, the to enforce their submission to a slave code, essubject of abolishing Slavery in the District tablished over them by fraud and usurpation. of Columbia and in the national dock-yards At every subsequent stage of the long contest and arsenals was brought before Congress by repeated popular appeals. The Democratic party thereupon promptly denied the right of petition, and effectually suppressed the freedom of speech in Congress, so far as the institution of Slavery was concerned. From 1840 to 1843, good and wise men counselled that Texas should remain outside of the Union until she should consent to relinquish her self-instituted Slavery; but the Democratic party precipitated her admission into the Union, not only without that condition, but even with a covenant that the State might be divided and reorganized so as to constitute four slave States instead of one. which has since raged in Kansas, the Democratic party has lent its sympathies, its aid, and all the powers of the Government which it controlled, to enforce Slavery upon that unwilling and injured people. And now, even at this day, while it mocks us with the assurance that Kansas is free, the Democratic party keeps the State excluded from her just and proper place in the Union, under the hope that she may be dragooned into the acceptance of Slavery. The Democratic party, finally, has procured from a Supreme Judiciary, fixed in its interest, a decree that Slavery exists by force of the Constitution in every Territory of the In 1846, when the United States became in- United States, paramount to all legislative volved in a war with Mexico, and it was ap-authority, either within the Territory, or reparent that the struggle would end in the dis-siding in Congress. memberment of that republic, which was a Such is the Democratic party. It has no non-slaveholding power, the Democratic party policy, State or Federal, for finance, or trade, rejected a declaration that Slavery should not or manufacture, or commerce, or education, be established within the territory to be ac- or internal improvements, or for the protecquired. When, in 1850, governments were tion or even the security of civil or religious to be instituted in the Territories of California liberty. It is positive and uncompromising and New Mexico, the fruits of that war, the in the interest of Slavery-negative, comproDemocratic party refused to admit New Mex-mising, and vacillating, in regard to everyico as a free State, and only consented to ad- thing else. It boasts its love of equality, and mit California as a free State on the condition, wastes its strength, and even its life, in fortias it has since explained the transaction, of fying the only aristocracy known in the land. leaving all of New Mexico and Utah open to It professes fraternity, and, so often as Slavery Slavery, to which was also added the conces-requires, allies itself with proscription. It sion of perpetual Slavery in the District of magnifies itself for conquests in foreign lands, Columbia, and the passage of an unconstitu- but it sends the national eagle forth always tional, cruel, and humiliating law, for the re- with chains, and not the olive branch, in his capture of fugitive slaves, with a further sti-fangs. pulation that the subject of Slavery should This dark record shows you, fellow-citizens, never again be agitated in either, chamber of what I was unwilling to announce at an earCongress. When, in 1854, the slaveholders lier stage of this argument, that of the whole were contentedly reposing on these great ad- nefarious schedule of slaveholding designs vantages, then so recently won, the Demo- which I have submitted to you, the Demoeratic party unnecessarily, officiously, and cratic party has left only one yet to be conwith superserviceable liberality, awakened summated the abrogation of the law which them from their slumber, to offer and force forbids the African slave trade. on their acceptance the abrogation of the law which declared that neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude should ever exist within that part of the ancient territory of Louisiana which lay outside of the State of Missouri, and north of the parallel of 36° 30′ of north latitude-a law which, with the exception of one other, was the only statute of Freedom then remaining in the Federal code. Now, I know very well that the Democratic party has, at every stage of these proceedings, disavowed the motive and the policy of fortifying and extending Slavery, and has excused them on entirely different and more plausible grounds. But the inconsistency and frivolity of these pleas prove still more conclusively the guilt I charge upon that party. It must, indeed, try to excuse such guilt before manIn 1856, when the people of Kansas had or-kind, and even to the consciences of its own ganized a new State within the region thus abandoned to Slavery, and applied to be admitted as a free State into the Union, the Democratic party contemptuously rejected their petition, and drove them, with menaces adherents. There is an instinctive abhorrence of Slavery, and an inborn and inhering love of Freedom in the human heart, which render palliation of such gross misconduct indispensable. It disfranchised the free African |