America, was increased by a belief, that the Indian war, which desolated their western frontiers, was also encouraged, if not instigated by the British in Canada. Another event likewise occured, this year, peculiarly distressing to American commerce and seamen, and added not a little to this excitement. For many years, war had existed between Portugal and Algiers. In consequence of this, Algerine cruizers had been confined to the Mediterranean by a Portuguese fleet; and the commerce of the United States, as well as that of Portugal herself, had been protected in the Atlantic, from the depredations of this regency. In September, 1793, an unexpected truce for a year, was concluded between Portugal and Algiers. The dey's cruizers, therefore, immediately, and without previous notice, passed into the Atlantic; and American vessels, while on their way to Portugal and other parts of Europe, and without the smallest suspicion of danger, became a prey to these lawless freebooters, and many American seamen were doomed to slavery.

This unexpected and extraordinary measure was brought about by a British agent at Algiers; and the Portuguese minister declared to the American consul at Lisbon, that the same had been effected without his knowledge. The Portuguese government, he said, about six months before, had requested the aid of Great Britain and Spain, in bringing about a peace with that regency; but as no person had been appointed on the part of Portugal, to effect this object, he supposed the business remained only in embryo. Some provisions in the treaty itself, indicated pretty strongly, the truth of this statement of the minister. The British government had guarantied the performance of it on the part of Portugal; and by a most extraordinary clause, the Portuguese government was restrained from affording protection to any nation against Algerine cruizers.*

The British minister, Grenville, disavowed any intention to injure the United States; declaring, that being desired by their friend and ally, to procure a peace with Algiers, the British gov

American State Papers, vol. 10, p. 279.

ernment had instructed their agent to effect this object, and thereby enable the Portuguese fleet to co-operate with them against France; and that finding a permanent peace unattainable, he had concluded a truce for a short period.

The British ministry, however, must have foreseen, that this measure in its immediate consequences, would be fatal to American commerce in the Atlantic; and that hundreds of American seamen must necessarily be consigned to slavery. Nor is it possible to believe, that it should not have occured to them, that an Algerine fleet, would also effectually co-operate in their favorite plan against France. Whatever were the real views of Portugal, she was too dependent on Great Britain, to refuse a ratification of the treaty. On the application of the American consul, the Portuguese government furnished a convoy for the vessels of the United States trading tothat country, until the treaty should be ratified.

The Americans were very justly incensed, that their property should be thus exposed to Algerine rapacity, and their fellow citizens doomed to slavery without the least warning.

In this state of public affairs, both at home and abroad, the president met congress on the 3d of December, 1793. Never, since the period of the American revolution, had the affairs of the United States been in a more critical and delicate situation, or presented greater difficulties to those entrusted with the administration of government. The president, in his speech to both houses, informed them of the course he had pursued, in the "new and delicate" situation, in which the United States had been placed, in consequence of the war, which, in the course of the year, had embraced most of the nations in Europe, particularly those with which they had the most extensive relations and connections. That he had thought it his duty to admonish his fellow citizens of the consequences of a contraband trade, and particularly of hostile acts to either party; and that to preserve the country in peace, he had adopted some general rules, which, while they conformed to existing treaties, asserted the privileges of the United States. That it must now rest with congress to

correct, improve, or enforce these rules; suggesting at the same time, that some further legislative aid would be found expedient, especially in cases, where individuals, within the United States, should array themselves in hostility against any of the powers at war, enter upon military expeditions or enterprises, or usurp or exercise judicial authority therein; and where the penalties for a violation of the laws of nations were indistinctly marked, or were inadequate. He at the same time recommended, that while the United States adopted measures for the fulfilment of their duties towards others, they should not neglect those which were necessary for placing the country in a competent state of defense; and that they should exact from others the fulfilment of duties towards themselves.

"The United States," he observed, "ought not to indulge the persuasion, that contrary to the order of human events, they will forever keep at a distance, those painful appeals to arms, with which the history of other nations abounds. There is a rank due to the United States among nations, which will be withheld, if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness.

"If we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel it; if we desire to secure peace, one of the most powerful instruments of our prosperity, it must be known, that we are at all times ready for war."

After stating the continuance of Indian hostilities, and recommending among other things, that provision be made for the regular redemption of the public debt, and for the purchase of arms and military stores, he concludes

"The several subjects to which I have now referred, open a wide range to your deliberations; and involve some of the choicest interests of our common country. Permit me to bring to your remembrance the magnitude of your task.

"Without an unprejudiced coolness, the welfare of the government may be hazarded; without harmony, as far as consists with freedom of sentiment, its dignity may be lost. But, as the legislative proceedings of the United States will never, I trust, be reproached for the want of temper or candor, so shall not the pub

lic happiness languish, from the want of my strenuous and warmest co-operation."

The particular situation of the United States with Great Britain and France, in consequence of the new state of things in Europe, was the subject of a distinct and separate communication.

In this communication, made the 5th of December, the president referred to the extraordinary orders and decrees of those two belligerents, which had affected the commerce of the United States; and with respect to the conduct of the French minister sent to this country by the representative and executive bodies of France, he observed-" It is with extreme concern I have to inform you, that the proceedings of the person, whom they have unfortunately appointed their minister plenipotentiary here, have breathed nothing of the friendly spirit of the nation, which sent him; their tendency, on the contrary, has been to involve us in war abroad, and in discord and anarchy at home. So far as his acts, or those of his agents, have threatened our immediate commitment in the war, or flagrant insult to the authority of the laws, their effect has been counteracted by the ordinary cognizance of the laws, and by an exertion of the powers confided to me. Where their danger was not imminent, they have been borne with, from sentiments of regard to his nation; from a sense of their friendship towards us; from a conviction, that they would not suffer us to remain long exposed to the action of a person, who has so little respect for our mutual dispositions; and I will add, from a reliance on the firmness of my fellow citizens in their principles of peace and order."

The members of the house of representatives in their answer to the president's speech, were unanimous.* "The United States," they said, "having taken no part in the war which has embraced in Europe the powers with whom they have the most extensive relations, the maintenance of peace was justly to be regarded as one of the most important duties of the magistrate, charged with the faithful execution of the laws. We, accordingly, witness with ap

* This was drawn by a committee consisting of Mr. Madison, Mr. Sedgwick, Mr. Hartley, Mr. Watts, and Samuel Smith.

probation and pleasure, the vigilance with which you have guarded an interruption of that blessing, by your proclamation, admonishing our fellow citizens of the consequences of illicit and hostile acts towards the belligerent parties; and promoting, by a declaration of the existing legal state of things, an easier admission of our right to the immunities belonging to our situation."

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The senate declared the proclamation to be a measure well timed and wise, manifesting a watchful solicitude for the welfare of the nation, and calculated to promote it."

The same unanimity, unfortunately, did not prevail in the subsequent proceedings of the national legislature during this session. The secretary of state, by a resolution of the house, in February, 1791, had been instructed to make a report as to the nature and extent of the privileges granted to American commerce, as well as the restrictions imposed upon it by foreign nations; and also as to the measures, in his opinion, proper for the improvement of the commerce and navigation of the United States. Early in this session, the secretary submitted to the house a report on this subject, and which was referred to the consideration of the committee of the whole.

This report had reference to a state of things, prior to the new system of the coalesced powers, and presented a view of the extent and value of, the trade of the United States, with each of those countries, with whom they had any considerable commercial connection, and a detailed account of the privileges granted by each to American commerce, and the restrictions imposed upon it. The secretary presented two methods of removing, modifying and counteracting these restrictions.

1st. By amicable arrangements, as being the most eligible, if practicable.

2d. By countervailing acts, on the part of the American government, where friendly arrangements could not be made.

This report was one of the last official acts of Mr. Jefferson. At the close of this year, according to previous intimations given to the president, he retired from office; and Edmund Randolph was soon after appointed his successor.