many years had to travel through but few hands; for from Adam to Noah there was one man, viz. Methuselah, who lived so long as to see them both in like manner Shem conversed with Noah and Abraham; Isaac with Abraham and Joseph, from whom the facts recorded in this book might easily be conveyed to Moses by Amram, who was contemporary with Joseph.

GENESIS, in geometry, denotes the formation of a line, plain, or solid, by the motion or flux of a point, line or surface. See FLUXIONS. The genesis or formation, e. g. of a globe or sphere, is conceived by supposing a semicircle to revolve upon a right line, drawn from one extreme thereof to the other, called its axis, or axis of circumvolution: the motion or revolution of that semicircle is the genesis of the sphere, &c. In the genesis of figures, &c., the line or surface that moves is called the describent; and the line round which, or according to which, the revolution or motion is made, the dirigent.

GEʼNET, n. s. Fr. The word originally signified a horseman, and perhaps a gentleman or knight. A small-sized, well-proportioned, Spanish horse.

You'll have your nephews neigh to you; you'll have coursers for cousins, and genets for germanes. Shakspeare. Othello.

wind.

He shews his statue too, where placed on high, The genet underneath him seems to fly. Dryden. It is no more likely that frogs should be engendered in the clouds, than Spanish genets be begotten by the Ray. GENETHLIACAL, adj.) Gr. yeuλn. Whatever refers to calGENETHLIATIC, n. s. Sculating nativities from the stars which were predominant at birth. The night immediately before he was slighting the art of those foolish astrologers, and genethliacal ephemerists, that used to pry into the horoscope of nati

GENETH LIACS, n.s.

GENETHLIACI, in astrology, from yeven, origin, generation, or nativity, persons who erect horoscopes, and pretend to foretell what shall befall a man by means of the stars which presided at his nativity. The ancients called them chaldæi, and mathematici. Hence the several civil and canon laws, made against mathematicians, only respect the genethliaci, or astrologers. They were ordered to be expelled Rome by a formal decree of the senate; and yet found so much protection from the credulity of the people, that they remained therein unmolested. Hence an ancient author speaks of them as hominum genus, quod in civitate nostra semper et vetabitur et retinebitur.

GENESIUS (Josephus), one of the Byzantine historians of the tenth century. He flourished about the year 940, and wrote, by order of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, a history of Constantinople, in four books: it extends from Leo the Armenian, to Basilius the Macedonian. It was imperfectly printed in 1733 at Venice, by Pasquali, in his edition of the Byzantine historians. GENEVA, n. s. A corruption of French genture; It. ginepro; Lat. juniperus, a juniperterry; a spirit distilled from the juniper-berry.

The best geneva we now have, is made from an ordinary spirit, distilled a second time with an addi. tion of some juniper-berries; but the original liquor of this kind was prepared in a very different manner. Dr. A. Rees.

GENEVA, a city, and the capital of a canton of Switzerland, is situated on the western shore of the lake of that name, on the confines of France and Savoy. The Rhone has here its efflux from the lake and divides Geneva into three parts, the city, the town or quarter of St. Gervais, and the island.

Its situation and surrounding scenery (among which Mont Blanc rises pre-eminent), with its political history, and literary fame, render Geneva one of the most interesting cities in Europe. The lofty houses towering above the walls, and enclosed by the verdure of the glacis, give to the distant prospect the appearance of an assemblage of country seats, encompassed with gardens and lawns. On entering the city, however, the streets are found not regular, and the principal one is encumbered with a row of shops on each side, between the road and a sneltered footpath. But the upper town contains many elegant houses. The public buildings of note are the college, the cathedral, the hotel de ville, the public library, the theatre, the hospital, and the arsenal. The library was founded at the Reformation, and contains about 50,000 volumes. The hospital, which is very extensive, was formerly a monastery. The town-house is chiefly remarkable for the manner of ascending to its upper floors, which is by an inclined plane, instead of a staircase. The city is supplied with water from the Rhone, by a machine which raises it to the height of 100 feet.

The Genevese, partaking early of the benefits of the Reformation, exhibit, very similarly to our Scottish neighbours, the advantages of universal education and industry. The morals of the lowest orders are in general exemplary, and the traveller is not here shocked by those objects of distress which infest almost every other continental city. Wages are on the whole high; and when a family is really unable to support itself by its own labor, it receives relief from various well directed funds. On the other hand, the excess of luxury is discouraged by sumptuary laws, and it is only since 1764 that the city has contained a theatre. Watch-making is the staple manufacture, and it is said to employ 7000 persons; manufactures of silk, woollen, musiin, chintz, and porcelain are also carried on; as well as the making of mathematical, surgical, and other instruments, jewellery, toys, &c. The richer citizens are merchants of extensive agency, and conduct money operations in all the public funds of Europe.

Literary societies abound among the citizens, and a. decided taste for reading is prevalent in both sexes. Several private individuals possess good collections of natural history. The principal are those of De Luc, Boissier, and Saussure, the son of the traveller of that name: they are shown to strangers with great readiness. Be sides the public library, there is a botanical garden, a museum of paintings, a public school, and a university. The school is conducted by eleven masters, and the university by twenty-two

professors; the number of students at the latter amounting generally to 1000.

The Physical and Natural History Society of Geneva was founded in 1790, by a number of those distinguished individuals who devoted themselves to the pursuits of science. The principal papers read at their meetings found a place in the Philosophical Transactions, in the Memoirs of the Institute, or in those of the Academies of Berlin and Turin; while those which were of a iess elaborate nature were transmitted to the popular scientific journals of the day. In consequence, however, of the deliverance of Geneva from a foreign yoke, all the public institutions received a vigorous impulse; and the Physical Society, strengthened with an accession of members, as well as of zeal, has of late found itself in a situation to print its own Memoirs.

Calvin and Casaubon distinguished Geneva by their residence; it also ranks among its illustrious men Rousseau, Tronchin, Bonnet, Saussure, Mallet de Pan, Necker, Berenger, Picot, Pictet, Boissier, and Sismondi. In the delightful environs of this city are Ferney, once the residence of Voltaire; and Copet, the retreat of M. Necker, and of his accomplished daughter the baroness de Staël.

In the time of Charlemagne the city and territory of Geneva made part of his empire; and, under his successors, they became subject to the German emperors. By reason of the imbecility of these princes, however, the bishops of Geneva acquired such authority over the inhabitants, that the emperor had no other means of counterbalancing it than by augmenting the privileges of the people. In those barbarous ages also the bishops and counts had constant disputes, of which the people took the advantage; and by combining sometimes with one, and sometimes with the other, they obtained an extension of their privileges from both. The house of Savoy at length purchased the territory, and succeeded the counts with additional power. The bishops and people, therefore, united to resist their encroachments: and, during this period, the government was strangely complicated, by the various pretensions of the three parties. The counts of Savoy, however, had at last the address to dissolve the union between the bishops and citizens, by procuring the episcopal see for their brothers, and illegitimate children; by which means their power became gradually so extensive, that towards the commencement of the sixteenth century, Charles III. of Savoy, though the government was accounted republican, obtained an almost absolute authority over the people, and exercised it in a most unjust and arbitrary man

ner.

Thus violent commotions took place; and the citizens became divided into two parties, one of which, viz. the patriots, were styled Eidgenossen, or confederates; the partisans of Savoy being disgraced by the appellation of Mammelucs, or slaves. The true period of Genevan liberty may therefore be considered as commencing with the treaty concluded with Berne and Fribourg in 1526; in consequence of which the duke was soon deprived of his authority, the bishop driven from the city, and the reformed religion and a republican form of government

introduced. A long war commenced with Savoy on this account; but the Genevans proved superior to their enemies, partly by their own bravery and partly by the assistance of the inhabitants of Berne.

In 1584 the republic concluded a treaty with Zurich and Berne, by which it became allied to the Swiss cantons. The house of Savoy made their last attempt against Geneva in 1602, when the city was treacherously attacked in the night time during a profound peace; 200 soldiers had scaled the walls, and got into the town before any alarm was given; but they were repulsed by the desperate valor of a few citizens, who perished in the encounter. A petard had been fastened to one of the gates by the Savoyards; but the gunner was killed before it could be discharged. The war occasioned by this treachery was next year concluded by a solemn treaty, which has ever since been observed on both sides; though the independence of Geneva was never formally acknowledged by the king of Sardinia till 1754. The restoration of tranquillity from without, in consequence of the above treaty, was, however, soon followed by the flames of internal discord, so common in popular governments; so that, during the whole of the seventeenth century, the history of Geneva affords little more than an account of the struggles betwixt the aristocratical and popular parties. About the beginning of the eighteenth century the power of the grand council was become almost absolute; but, to restrain its authority, an edict was procured in 1707 by the popular party, enacting that every five years a general council of the citizens and burghers should be summoned to deliberate upon the affairs of the republic. In consequence of this law, a general assembly was convened in 1712; and the very first act of that assembly was to abolish the edict by which they had been convened. A proceeding so extraordinary can scarcely be accounted for on the principles of popular fickleness and inconstancy. Rousseau, in his Miscellaneous Works, ascribes it to the artifices of the magistrates, and the equivocal terms marked on the billets then in use. For the question being put, Whether the opinion of the council for abolishing the periodical assemblies should pass into a law?' the words approbation or rejection, put upon the billets by which the votes were given, might be interpreted either way. Thus, if the billet was chosen on which the word approbation was written, the opinion of the councils which rejected the assemblies was approved; and by the word rejection, the periodical assembly was rejected of course. Hence several of the citizens complained that they had been deceived, and that they never meant to reject the general assembly; but only the opinion of the councils.

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In consequence of the abolition of the general assemblies, the power of the aristocratical party was greatly augmented, till at length the inhabitants, exerting themselves with uncommon spirit and perseverance, found means to limit the power of the magistrates, and enlarge their own rights. In 1776, as Mr. Coxe informs us, the government might be considered as a mean betwixt that of the aristocratical and popular cantons of Swit?erland. The members of the senate, or little

council of twenty-five, enjoyed in that capacity several very considerable prerogatives. By them half the members of the great council were named; the principal magistrates were supplied from their own body; they convoked the great and general councils, deliberating previously upon every question which was to be brought before these councils. They were vested also with the chief executive power, the administration of finances, and had, in a certain degree, the jurisdiction in civil and criminal causes. Most of the smaller posts were likewise filled by them, and they enjoyed the sole privilege of conferring the burghership. These, and other prerogatives, however, were balanced by those of the great council, and the privileges of the general council. The former had a right to choose the members of the senate from their own body; receiving appeals in all causes above a certain value, pardoning criminals, &c., besides which they had the important privilege of approving or rejecting whatever was proposed by the senate to be laid before the people. The general council, or assembly of the people, was composed of the citizens and burghers of the town, their number, in general, amounting to 1500, though usually not more than 1200 were present; the remainder residing in foreign countries, or being otherwise absent. They met twice a year, chose the principal magistrates, approved or rejected the laws and regulations proposed by the other councils, imposed taxes, contracted alliances, declared war or peace, and nominated half the members of the great council, &c. But the principal check to the power of the senate arose from the right of re-election, or the power of annually expelling four members from the senate at the nomination of the syndics or principal magistrates, and from the right of representation. The syndics were four in number, chosen annually from the senate by the general council; and three years elapsed before the same members could be again appointed. In choosing these magistrates, the senate appointed from its own body eight candidates, from whom the four syndics were to be chosen by the general council. The latter, however, had it in their power to reject not only the first eight candidates, but also the whole body of senators in succession; in which case four members of the senate retired into the great council, and their places were filled by an equal number from that council. As to the power of representation, every citizen had the privilege of applying to the senate to procure a new regulation in this respect, or of remonstrating against any act of the magistracy. To these remonstrances the magistrates were obliged to give an explicit answer; for if a satisfactory answer was not given to one, a second was immediately presented. The representation was made by a greater or smaller number of citizens, according to the importance of the point in question. Since 1776, however, several changes have taken place. This right of re-election, which the aristocratical party were obliged to yield to the people in 1768, soon proved very disagreeable, being considered by the former as a kind of ostracism; for which reason they caught at every opportunity of procuring its abolition. They were now distin

guished by the title of negatives, while the popu lar party had that of representants; and the point in dispute was the compilation of a new code of laws. This measure the negatives opposed, as supposing that it would tend to reduce their prerogatives; while, on the other hand, the representants used their utmost endeavours to promote it, in hopes of having their privileges augmented by such means. At last, in January 1777, the negatives were obliged to comply with the demands of their antagonists; and a committee for forming a new code of laws was appointed by the concurrence of the little, great, and general councils. The committee was to last for two years, and the code to be laid before the three councils, for their joint approbation or rejection. A sketch of the first part of the code was presented to the little and great councils on Sept. 1st, 1779, that they might profit by their observations before it was presented to the general council. Great disputes arose and at length it was carried by the negatives that the code should be rejected, and the committee dissolved. The opposite party complained of this as unconstitutional, and violent disputes ensued; the issue of which was, that the great council offered to compile the code, and submit it to the decision of the public. This did not give satisfaction to the popular party, who considered it as insidious: the contentions revived with more fury than ever, until at length the negatives supposing, or pretending to suppose, that their country was in danger, applied to the guarantees France, Zurich, and Ber.ie, intreating them to protect the laws and constitution. This was productive of no good effect; so that the negatives found no other method of gaining their point than by sowing dissention among the different classes of inhabitants. The natives were discontented and jealous on account of many exclusive privileges enjoyed by that class named citizens: they were besides exasperated against them for having, in 1770, banished eight of the principal natives, who pretended that the right of burghership belonged to the natives as well as to the citizens, and demanded that this right should be gratuitously conferred instead of being purchased. The negatives, in hopes of making such a considerable addition to their party, courted the natives, by all the methods they could think of, promising, by a public declaration, that they were ready to confer upon them those privileges of trade and commerce which had hitherto been confined exclusively to the citizens. The designs of the negatives were likewise openly favored by the court of France, and despatches were even written to the French resident at Geneva, to be communicated to the principal natives who sided with the aristocratic party. The attorney-general, conceiving this mode of interference to be highly unconstitutional, presented a spirited remonstrance; by which the French court were so much displeased, that they procured his deposition from his office; and thus their party was very considerably increased among the natives. The representants endeavoured to conciliate the favor of the same party, and even promised what they had hitherto opposed in the strongest manner, viz. to facilitate the acquisition of the burgher

ship, and to bestow it as the recompense of industry and good behaviour. Thus two parties were formed among the natives themselves; and the dissensions becoming every day worse and worse, a general insurrection took place on the 5th of February 1781.

The representants seized the avenues of the city, and though they agreed to an augmentation of the commercial privileges of the natives, they absolutely refused to fulfil their promise of awarding the burghership to them. Alarmed, however, at the number and threats of the natives, and prevailed upon by the deputies from Zurich and Berne, who had been sent to conciliate the differences, they laid down their arms; and this was no sooner done, than the same deputies declared the edict in favor of the natives to be null and illegal. The senate declared themselves of the same opinion; and maintained, that the assent of the councils had been obtained only through fear of the representants who were under arms, and whom none at that time durst oppose. The representants, exasperated by this treacherous proceeding, presented another reinonstrance on the 18th March, 1782, summoning the magistrates once more to confirm the edict; but a month afterwards, received the laconic answer, that the government was neither willing nor able to confirm it.' At last, however, but not until a universal tumult had ensued, and the body of the citizens had deposed several members of both councils, the great council executed the edict for conferring the burghership upon a number of the natives; and appointed a committee of safety, composed of eleven members, with considerable authority.

The conciliation of the opposite party was now clearly the course of safety; for the French and Sardinians had both advanced towards the city to support its pretensions. But the French general, Jaucourt, proposed such humiliating terms to those in power, that it was unanimously determined to resist his entrance. The fortifications were strengthened; at the hour in which it was expected that an attack would begin, the ramparts were filled with defenders; and though the most zealous of the popular party had calculated only on 3000, upwards of 5000 appeared in the public cause. The French Leneral, however, justly alarmed for the prisoners, who were now in imminent danger, again prolonged the period proposed for the capitulation. By these repeated delays, the ardor of the defendants began to abate. At last the committee of safety themselves, who had so strenuously declared for hostilities, entirely changed their mind. A new council, composed of about 100 citizens, was formed; in which the chiefs of the popular party, by various manoeuvres, first intimidating, and then endeavouring to persuade the members, of the necessity of surrendering, found means, first to take the thoughts of the people entirely off from the defence of the city, and then to engage them in a scheme of general emigration. A declaration was now drawn up to le delivered to the syndics with the keys of the city; the chiefs summoned the principal officers from their posts, ordered the cannon of several batteries to be rendered unfit for service,

and at last took care of themselves by quitting the town, followed by large bodies of the people; so that when the Sardinians entered it in the morning, they found it almost deserted. This was followed by the restoration of the former magistrates, a complete subjection of the popular party, and the establishment of a military government.

The changes which took place on this occasion, were: 1. An abolition of the right of reelection. 2. The abolition of that right by which the general council nominated half the vacancies in the great council. 3. The right of remonstrating was taken from the citizens at large, and vested in thirty-six adjuncts, who might be present in the great council the first Monday of every month. 4. The introduction of the grabeau, or annual confirmation of the members of the senate and of the great council, vested entirely in the latter. By this law, part of the authority both of the senate and general council was transferred to the great council; and, by subjecting the senate to this annual revision, its power was greatly lessened, and it was made, in fact, dependent upon the general council. 5. The circles or clubs in which it was customary to convene the citizens, and all public assemblies whatever, were prohibited: and so rigorously was this carried into execution, that even the Society of Arts was forbidden to meet. 6. The militia were abolished; firing at marks, even with bows and arrows, was prohibited, and the town, instead of being guarded by its own citizens, was now put under the care of 1000 foreign soldiers, whose colonel and major were both to be foreigners. These troops were to take an oath of fidelity to the republic, and of obedience to the great council and the committee of war; but were under the immediate command and inspection of the latter, and subject to the superior control of the former. 7. No person was permitted to bear arms, whether citizen, native, or inhabitant. It was not to be expected, that this constitution would be agreeable to people who had such a strong sense of liberty, and had been accustomed to put such a value upon it as the Genevans. But after the public resentment had time to subside, most of those who fled at first, returned; and, in the opinion of Mr. Coxe, not more than 600 finally left their country, on account of the revolution in 1782.

Above 1000 persons, however, of both sexes, applied to the earl of Temple, then lord lieutenant of Ireland, expressing a desire to settle in that kingdom: and the proposal met with such general approbation, that the Irish parliamen voted £50,000 towards defraying the expenses of their journey, and affording them a proper settlement. Lands were purchased for £8000 near Waterford; part of New Geneva was actually completed at the expense of £10,000; a charter was granted with very considerable privileges; the standard of gold was altered for the accommodation of the watch manufacturers; and the foundation of an academy laid upon a useful and liberal plan. Several Genevans landed in Ireland, in July 1783; but, when the nation had expended nearly £30,000 on the scheme, it was sud