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The House at Chalfont St. Giles, co. Buckingham, to which Milton retired during the Plague in 1665; and where he planned and wrote

bis Paradise Regained. See Life, p.ci.

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P. ix. Life. ILTON confines himself to praise of the fellows, but he makes not the slightest mention of the Master, Doctor Bainbridge, who is recorded to have been a most rigid disciplinarian, and that on those very

points which Milton particularly disliked. He admits that his disposition could not brook the threats of a rigorous master, by whom it is most reasonable to suppose he meant Dr. Bainbridge, the head of his college.Watkins' Lit. Anecdotes, p. 202.

P. xi. Gaddius (de Scriptoribus non Ecclefiafticis) mentions that I. Scaliger read the two poems of Homer in twenty-one days; and the remainder of the Greek poets in four months.

P. xix. “ That the manner and genius of that place (Paris) being not agreeable to his mind, he loon left it.”-Wood's Fast. Ox. vol. ii. 1635, col. 481.

P. xx. Leo Holsten, who received Milton kindly at Rome, had resided some time in England, making researches in the libraries. He maintained a friendly correspondence with N. Heinfius, to whom he had shown much civility when Heinsius was at Rome; I read through the collection of Holsten's letters, with the hope of finding some addressed to Milton, but in vain; Milton's widow had a great many letters by her from learned men of his acquaintance, both of England and beyond sea.–See Milton's Life, p. lxxxii.

P. xx. Mentioning Bacon's studies at the University, Lord Campbell says — “ It is said he ran through the whole circle of the liberal arts as they were taught, and planned that great intellectual revolution, with which his name is inseparably connected. But all that is certain is, that at his departure he carried away with him a profound contempt for the course of study pursued there." “When he was commencing at the University (says his chaplain and biographer Rawley) about sixteen years of age, he first fell into a disike of the Philosophy of Aristotle, not for the worthlessness of the author, to whom he used to ascribe all

high attributes, but for the unfruitfulness of the way — being a Philosophy (as his lordship used to say) only strong for disputations but barren of the production of work for the Life of man

-in that mind he continued to his dying day.” In his “ Advancement of Learning' he speaks of those of sharp and strong wits and small variety of reading, their wits being shut up in the cells of a few authors, chiefly Aristotle, their dictator, as their persons are shut up in the cells of monasteries, and colleges, --- and who knowing little history either of nature or time, did spin cobwebs of learning admirable for the fineness of the thread, and work, but of no substance or profit.” — See Campbell's Lives, vol. ii. p. 227.

That the same system of Scholastic Logic and Metaphysics, pervaded the foreign Universities at the same period, appears from the following passage, which I met with in a well known work of great literary information.

“Rien n'a tant multiplié la 'race de sophistes, que l'introduction de la scholastique contretemps dans les écoles de la philosophie et de theologie dans les universités de l'Europe, et particulierement en France. C'est ce qui nous a attiré ce grand deluge de productions monstrueuses de l'esprit humain evaporé dans ses propres pensées ; c'est à dire, tous ces grands patrons, d'antipredicaments, des grandes et petites logicales, de principes sophistiques, de conclusions sophistiques, de sens composés et divisés, de sophisms choisies, et subtilités, de conféquences, et antécedences, de toutes sortes de quodlibetiques, et de quolibets, des puissances actives et passives, des instances, des quiddités, des formalités, des formules, des fallaces, des insolubles, ou questions inexplicables, des impossibilités, sans parler d'un grand nombre de commentaires scholastiques fur Aristote,” &c.— v. Baillet, Jugemens des Scavans, tom. i. p. 182.

P. xxi. “ A. D. 1635. A year memorable in the annals of the University of Cambridge, as the one in which John Milton and Jeremy Taylor both were incorporated Masters of Arts in it.” -Welsby's Lives of Eminent English Judges, p. 55.

P. xxii. I have heard it confidently related that for his said resolutions, which out of policy and for his own safety might have been then spared, the English priests at Rome were highly difgusted, and it was questioned whether the Jesuits, his countrymen there, did not design to do him mischief.-Wood's Ath. Ox. Fasti, A. D. 1635, vol. ii. col. 481.

P. xxiv. “ Lord Ellesmere was the friend and patron of Poets. He was particularly kind to Spenser, with whom he was connected by marriage, and assisted him in his suits, both in Ireland, and at the court of Elizabeth. We mention that he

vol. ii. p. 49.

patronized the Plays of Shakespeare, and he is said to have been affifted in Masques, which he gave to the Court, by Ben Jonson. The name of Milton will be associated with the Egerton family, while the English is known or spoken as a dead language, but the Author of Comus was only nine years old at the death of the Chancellor, and although he was no doubt carried from Horton to Harefield before the old Peer, he could only have been patted by him on the head and sent into the buttery to have the wing of a capon or a glass of sack.” — v. Lord Campbell's Lives of the Chancellors, vol. ii. p. 264.

P. xxvi. “ Milton's Comus," says the author of Egeria, analogous to the design of Paradise Lost. In both these Poems, supernatural Powers, good and evil, are intent to influence the tendency of human life. In one, Innocency is saved, it is reserved to the life of restoration. Samson Agonistes is an exhibition of the same conflict in which the fallen at last triumphs in the dutiful endurance of the Penalty of Transgression.”- See P. xxvii. Took a larger house, where the Earl of Barrimore

" sent, by his aunt the Lady Ranelagh, Sir Thomas Gardiner of Essex, to be there with others (besides his nephew) under his tuition, but whether it were that the tempers of our gentry would not bear the strictness of his discipline, or for what other reasons I cannot tell, he continued that course but a while.-Wood's Ath. Ox. vol. ii. col. 483.

P. xxx. “Lord Keeper Guilford was a little but handsome man, and is said to have had an ingenuous aspect; his motto being - Il Volto Sciolto, i Pensieri Stretti." — See Lord Campbell's Lives of the Chancellors, vol. iii. p. 493.

P. xxxi. On Milton's Italian Sonnets, the opinion of an Italian scholar may be quoted. “ Milton in his imperfect attempts to write Italian Poetry, in which we may see though confusedly, that he had got a little glimmering of our peculiar notions about Female beauty.” — See Baretti's Account of Italy, vol. i.

In the Gent. Mag. Nov. 1836 (Retrosp. Review) some remarks on the language of Milton's Italian Sonnets, may be seen; which were kindly given to me, by one, from whose decision on the critical niceties of his own Tongue, no appeal need be made. I may be permitted to mention Mr. Panizzi of the British Museum.

P. xxxv. Wherefore though he sent divers pressing invitations, yet he could not prevail with her to come back, till about four years after, when the garrison of Oxford was surrendered (the nighness of her father's house to which having for the most part

p. 108.

of the mean time hindered any communications between them); The of her own accord returned, and submitted to him, pleading that her mother had been the chief promoter of her forwardness. -Wood's Atb. Ox. vol. ii. col. 481.

P. xliii. On Science or Claffical Literature, as the foundation of education, see Cælebs, vol. ii. p. 190. — It has not been observed, I believe, that Dr. Johnson in his Remarks on this point in his Life of Milton is somewhat indebted to Erasmus, C. i. 1. 63. I will give a specimen, which the reader may compare. « Proinde ftellas observent alii fi lubet, ego in terris quærendum existimo, quod nos felices aut infelices reddat. Cæteri negotium auspicaturi, anxii considerant, quâ figurâ Venus, Jupiter, et Mercurius fese contueantur. Ego fatius esse duco, perpendere quibuscum agas. Socrates Athenienfis cujus eft illud celebratum apophthegma Quæ fupra nos, nihil ad nos, philosophiam a contemplatione rerum naturalium in mediam hominum vitam deduxit frequenter ufurpans illud Ηomericum οτι τοι εν μέγαροισι κακόν τ' ayalóvtɛ TETÚNTA. — Et tamen de naturis fyderum, de natu cæleftium orbium, de fulminibus, de ventis, deinde, deque fimilibus rebus, quoniam ad id initia cognitionis fuppeditant, vel sensu ipfi corporum, vel effectuum experientiâ multa certe deprehenduntur, et in primis jucunda cognitio eft, et in admirationem fimul et amorem opificis fubvehit, attamen quoniam vir fapiens animadvertit in hujusmodi studio totam ætatem hominis desidere, neglectis etiam his, quare proprius ad nos pertinent, a contemplatione rerum naturalium omne studium ad mores devocavit.” The same Homeric quotation is given by Johnson.

P. xliii. After some remarks on Dr. Johnson's want of “ Enthusiasm and lofty sentiment," and on the consequent defects in his estimation of Milton's character, and on Channing's Vindication, Mr. Lyell proceeds to say, “ But the American champion of the illustrious bard fails to remark that Milton was also two centuries in advance of the age in which he lived, in his appreciation of the share which the study of nature ought to hold in the training of the youthful mind. Of Milton's Scheme for enlarging the ordinary system of teaching, prepared after he had himself been partially engaged in the task of a Schoolmaster. the lexicographer spoke as might have been anticipated in terms of disparagement bordering on contempt. He treated Milton, in fact, as a mere empiric, and visionary projector, observing "that it was his principle to teach boys something more folid than the common literature of schools, forwarding those authors that treat of physical subjects.” The Poet Cowley had framed a similar plan in his imaginary college : “but the knowledge of external nature and the sciences which that knowledge requires, are not the great

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