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choicest kinds at the vineyards where they were made. His plate, of which he had a profusion, was kept constantly burnished by a silversmith, maintained in the house for that purpose, so that it always appeared new.

He had the character of being extremely inflexible, and the following anecdote is told of him. He was one day disputing a point with the king with much. earnestness, when the latter, who was also remarkable for a hard head, said to him-"Aranda, you are the most obstinate man of all Arragon." "No, sire," replied the count; "there is one still more obstinate than I am." "And who is that?" said the king. "The king of Arragon!" answered the count. The king laughed, and took no offence at the freedom.

The part taken by France in our revolution was dictated wholly by policy; it did not proceed from a sense of right, or a love of justice, or a desire to promote the cause of liberty; but from a desire to cripple England, her enemy. When the war was drawing to a close, and the independence of America was certain, the cabinet at Paris began to consider what ultimate benefits could be derived from the exertions they had made in our behalf. It seemed to them desirable that the new republic should, as far as possible, continue to be dependent upon her old ally, and for this purpose they sought rather to restrain than. enlarge her power. They, therefore, desired to narrow her boundaries, to exclude her from the navigation of the Mississippi, and to prevent a liberal treaty with. England, which might establish amicable relations with that country.

To enable him to accomplish these objects, the French minister, Vergennes, by a series of intrigues, induced congress to instruct their ambassadors at Paris, who were about to enter upon negotiations with England, to govern themselves by the advice of the French court. This placed the American ministers virtually under the dictation of France. Such a position seemed to Mr. Jay humiliating to America and her agents, and he strongly remonstrated against it.

It was not till the 25th of July, that the British ministry took a decided step for commencing negotiations with the American commissioners. On that day the king issued an order to the attorney general, to prepare a commission to Richard Oswold, empowering him "to treat, consult of, and conclude with any commissioner or commissioners named, or to be named by the thirteen colonies or plantations in North America, and any body, or bodies, corporate or politic, or any assembly or assemblies, or description of men, or any person or persons, whatever, a peace or truce with the said colonies or plantations, or any part thereof."

The French minister thought this commission sufficient, and Dr. Franklin approved of it; but Mr. Jay objected to entering upon negotiations, as colonies, and by the decisive measures he took, independent of his colleague, the king of Great Britain removed the difficulty by authorizing Mr. Oswold to treat with the commissioners of the United States of America. Thus was an acknowledgment of our independence extorted from the mother country.

In October, 1782, John Adams, one of our commissioners, arrived at Paris. He fully concurred in the

views of Jay, and sought to enlighten Dr. Franklin as to the sinister views of the French court. In this he succeeded, and consequently the commissioners, disregarding the instructions of congress to submit themselves to the dictation of France, proceeded independently in the negotiations with Mr. Oswold. These were soon brought to a successful issue, and a provisional treaty was signed, securing our right to participation in the fisheries of Newfoundland, the navigation of the Mississippi, and a territory of which that river was the western boundary. Thus were the sinister designs of the French minister baffled, through the firmness and sagacity of Jay, seconded by Adams. Mr. Lawrence, the fourth commissioner of the United States, arrived soon after, and his name was attached to the treaty.

The character of the French minister may be inferred from an incident that occurred during these negotiations.

Mr. Jay was one evening in conference with Mr. Oswold, when the latter, wishing to consult his instructions, unlocked his escritoire; when, to his great astonishment and alarm, he discovered that the paper was missing. Mr. Jay smiled, and told him to give himself no concern about the document, as he would certainly find it in its place as soon as the French minister had done with it. In a few days the prediction was verified.

The minister had caused the document to be stolen, probably by bribing a servant; and when he had taken a copy of it, it was returned. So well apprized of the artifices of the French government was Mr.

Jay, that he always carried his confidential papers in his pocket.

Mr. Jay continued in England as one of our commissioners, to settle the definitive treaty with England. This was accomplished in August, 1783, the provisional treaty, before mentioned, being adopted as its basis. Having visited England for his health, and adjusted his accounts, he set out on his return, and arrived at New York July 24, 1784.

He was soon elected a member of congress, and, in 1785, accepted the office of secretary of foreign affairs, in which station he continued till the office expired with the termination of the confederation. On the 17th September, 1787, the convention, which had met at Philadelphia for the purpose, submitted a constitution to a convention of each state, for ratification or rejection.

Although this constitution did not in all respects equal the wishes of Mr. Jay, its superiority to the articles of confederation was too obvious to permit him to hesitate to give it his support. The opposition to it, however, became active and virulent, and it was studiously inflamed by gross misrepresentation. At this momentous crisis, Mr. Jay united with Mr. Madison and Colonel Hamilton in an attempt to enlighten and direct the public opinion by a series of newspaper essays, under the title of the FEDERALIST. These papers were not only circulated throughout the Union by means of the periodical press, but were collected and published in two volumes, and have since passed through many editions; they have been translated into French, and still form a valuable stan

dard commentary on the constitution of the United States.

Mr. Jay was elected a member of the convention of New York, to consider the proposed constitution, and, seconded by Hamilton and Chancellor Livingston, gave it able support. After a deliberation of three weeks, he moved its acceptance, which was finally carried, July 26, 1788, by a majority of three votes.

Washington being elected president under the new constitution, reached New York, April 23, 1789, and, on the 30th, took the oath of office. At nine o'clock on that day, all the churches of New York were opened, and the several congregations, with their pastors, assembled for the purpose of solemnly invoking the blessing of Heaven upon the new government. After the president's address to congress, he, with both houses, attended divine service at St. Paul's, to render thanks to the Supreme Being for the successful establishment of the government, and to implore the divine blessing. Thus was our union founded in the piety and prayers of our fathers.

Mr. Jay officiated as secretary of state, till Mr. Jefferson should arrive from Europe, to take charge of its duties. But having accepted the office of chief justice of the United States, he held the first circuit court, at New York, April 3, 1790. Continuing to discharge the duties of this high office, he was a candidate for governor of his native state in 1792, and received a majority of votes; but the canvassers set aside a portion of the returns, as being informal, and the democratic candidate, George Clinton, was declared elected.

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