THE HAGUE.

151

the towns, of which the guide gives the

names.

1

On inquiring of my guide if the States General were sitting, he told me they were, and that I might go in and hear the debates. On procuring the Paris papers at a coffee-house in the evening, I learned the States had risen ten days before. I do not think my guide meant to deceive, but so little interest do the proceedings of Parliament excite, that I verily believe the poor man knew nothing at all of the matter. When one considers of what materials their two houses are constituted, one feels no wonder at all at this. Ardently as I always desire to read a debate of the British Parliament, I think if I were to become an inhabitant of the Netherlands I should be like the rest. The Constitution and Government shall be the subject of the following letter, and that also shall embrace all the Netherland politics I mean to send you. Before closing this I shall state, that the regiment of Nassau, and a regiment of Belgians, formed the garrison of the town. The amiable King William was then resid

ing there, and preparations were making by the people, to demonstrate, on the return of the Prince of Orange, the affectionate attachment they felt for both father and son.

I am,

&c. &c. &c.

( 153 )

LIKE

LETTER XII.

MY DEAR SIR,

every other good Englishman, you are in the habit of talking politics, and so are your neighbours. In that you are certainly right. It was a law of the Athenian legislator Solon, that whoever did not take a side in any civil discord, should be treated as a public enemy. He very wisely argued, that no man who loved his country as he ought, could be so indifferent to its interest, as not to form his judgment and express it. I am apt to have an unfavourable opinion of the heart of every man in our own country, who is perfectly indifferent and neutral, on all the great topics that agitate the public mind. As in political conver-. sations, we usually make a comparison with foreign countries, and as the kingdom of the Netherlands is one of our own fostering, which professes to have a free constitution like our own, and as it is one with which

154

PREROGATIVE OF THE KING.

we have at present an intimate connection, some account of its government and system of finance may not be uninteresting. I wish I could set out with eulogising it, but I am sorry to say, I find but few grounds on which I could, with any propriety. So far at least it is satisfactory to know, that whatever defects exist in our own constitution, it is nevertheless by far the best yet that Europe can shew.

The royal prerogative in the Netherlands embraces the whole powers of the English crown. The King has the direction of foreign affairs; names and recalls his ambassadors and consuls; he makes war and peace; concludes treaties; he coins money; confers titles of nobility; disposes of all forces by sea and land, and appoints and dismisses the officers. In addition to this the King possesses the supreme direction of the finances; and regulates and fixes the salaries of the colleges and the functionaries. "The supreme direction of the colonies and of the possessions of the kingdom, in all other parts of the world, belongs exclusively to the King."

PREROGATIVE OF THE KING.

155

With all these unquestioned prerogatives, it is evident that the royal power in theory is much greater than with us, and it is so in fact. In discharging the duties of the kingly office, the advice of a council of state composed of twenty-four members is taken.

In Britain the exercise of royal power, whatever it may be in theory, is liable to be controlled by the two houses of Parliament. It is the balance which is thus produced between one branch and another of the government, and the constant check which one has upon another, which prevents it from running into tyranny and abuse. In the Netherlands they have two houses also, but when one comes to examine the materials of which they are composed, the mode of formation, and the powers assigned to them, it is at once seen, that this pretended resemblance of the British constitution is barely a shadow, that it can possess little influence on public opinion, and little or no control over the Executive Government.