of its measures, was departing from its councils. The statesmen of the revolution, dissatisfied with its imbecility, had mostly retired to other departments; the few who remained were unable to preserve its original energy. Some of them honestly believed that its vitality could not be prolonged, and that patriotism might permit it to expire, in the hope of evoking from its ashes a spirit of higher capacity and power.

MR. KING TO MR. GERRY.

NEW-YORK, JAN. 7, 1787.

MY DEAR SIR,

Congress is not yet organized, and it is uncertain when it will be; the anxiety and dissatisfaction still continues, which has for some time existed, concerning the government of these states. God only knows what will prove the issue. It is most certain that things will not long continue in their present condition if foreseeing the dangers which hang over us, we do not unite in measures calculated to establish the public happiness; I am confident that no man will be able to bear up against the calamitous events, which will otherwise force themselves into existence.

You have seen the Virginia law for the appointment of delegates to a convention in Philadelphia in May; Gen. Washington, Mr. Wythe, Randolph,

Madison and others are appointed for this convention. Pennsylvania have appointed Mifflin, the two Morris, Fitzsimmons and three others on the part of that state; Hamilton, who is a member of the assembly of this state, will exert himself to induce them to send members; Jay and others are opposed to the measure, not alone because it is unauthorized, but from an opinion that the result will prove inefficacious.

General Washington will not attend, although there will be at the same time and place a general meeting of deputies from all the state societies of the Cincinnati. If Massachusetts should send deputies, for Godsake be careful who are the men; the times are becoming critical; a movement of this nature ought to be carefully observed by every member of the community.

I beg you to be assured of the constant friendship of

Hon. Mr. Gerry.

Your's sincerely,
RUFUS KING.

Among the most obvious causes for the embarrassments and distress of the country was the condition of its commerce. In separating from Great Britain, the United States had become with regard to that country a foreign nation, and could not expect an exemption from her navigation laws,

at least without conceding an equivalent, which there was no general authority to regulate or proffer. The importance of the American trade had been felt both before and during the war of the revolution, and it readily presented itself to the statesmen of the day as an instrument to be used for the securing of reciprocal advantages with the commercial countries of Europe. It was therefore determined to take such measures as would place this great interest under one central power, who should direct it for the general good, and a convention for this purpose was projected to assemble at Annapolis in Maryland. Delegates were accordingly appointed by several states, to convene there on the first Monday of Sept. 1786; and Massachusetts authorized "Lieut. governour Cushing, Elbridge Gerry, Francis Dana and Stephen Higginson to meet such commissioners as might be appointed by other states of the union, for the purpose of considering the trade of the United States, of examining the relative situation and trade of the said states, of considering how far an uniform system in their commercial regulations might be necessary to their common interest and permanent harmony, and of reporting to the United States in congress assembled such an act relative to this great object as when agreed to by them, and confirmed by the legislature of every state, will enable the United States in congress assembled effectually to provide for the same.'

In this cautious manner was the first step taken to establish a government of authority over the separate states. But the measure was evidently too limited and inefficient for the purposes intended. The commissioners from Massachusetts viewed it in this light, and severally declined accepting the appointment, and the delegates of the few states who assembled at the time designated, did little more than give currency to a conviction that a radical change in the organization of the government would be necessary for its safety.

A project was gradually maturing to hold a general convention in Philadelphia, with extensive powers and ampler duties. In Massachusetts a rebellion had broken out against the local government, and the rebels had resorted to arms. The utmost energy of the civil and an expensive exertion of military power was required to suppress it. The danger of such a state of things, and the practical illustration of the doctrine, that a government strong enough to execute the laws was demanded for the personal security of the citizens, turned men's minds more seriously to the duty of providing such stability as should prevent the lawless repetitions of outrage. The character of the state was elevated by the firmness and decision of its constituted authorities, and an argument deduced from these circumstances for providing the same useful power for the emergencies of the nation.

MR. KING TO MR. GERRY.

MY DEAR FRiend,

NEW-YORK, FEB. 11, 1787.

I congratulate you on the favourable situation of the government in the western counties; Lincoln has undoubtedly answered the most sanguine expectations of his friends, and indeed I confess has accomplished, by the aid of warrants, what I did not apprehend could be effected in that cautious manner of proceeding.

The declaration of the existence of a rebellion will do great honour to the government, constitution and Massachusetts. I can already mark good consequences in the opinions, which it authorizes relative to our vigour and spirit. I feel myself a much more important man than I was in the humility of a few days past.

I hope the most extensive and minute attention will now be paid to the eradicating of every seed of insurgency; remember however that punishment to be efficacious should not be extensive; a few and those of the most consequence should be the victims of law. Do you attend the legislature? How will they stand on the plan of a convention at Philadelphia? For a number of reasons, although my sentiments are the same as to the legality of this measure, I think we ought not to oppose, but to coincide with this project. Let