At my time of life, the desire and wish to shine in public is wholly extinguished.

Retirement to Peacefield, the name which Mr. Adams has given to his farm, is much more eligible to me, particularly as my health has severely suffered by my residence at Philadelphia. But personally I shall consider myself as the small dust of the balance, when compared to the interests of a nation. To preserve peace, to support order, and continue to the country that system of government under which it has become prosperous and happy, the sacrifice of an individual life, important only to its near connexions, ought not to be taken into consideration.

I fully agree with you in sentiment as it respects the election of Mr. Jefferson. I have long known him, and entertain for him a personal friendship, and though I cannot accord with him in some of his politics, I do not believe him culpable to the extent he has been represented. Placed at the head of the senate, I trust his conduct will be wise and prudent. I hope it will be a means of softening the animosity of party, and of cementing and strengthening the bond of union.

There never was any public or private animosity between Mr. Adams and Mr. Jefferson. Upon the subject of Paine's Rights of Man, there was a disagreement in sentiment. Mr. Jefferson "does not look quite through the deeds of men." has fully disclosed whose opinion was well founded. The gentleman you alluded to as an active agent

Time

in the election, has no doubt his views and designs. There are some characters more supple than others, more easily wrought upon, more accommodating, more complying. Such a person might be considered as the ostensible engine, which a master hand could work. To what other motive can be ascribed the machiavelian policy of placing at the head of the government, a gentleman not particularly distinguished for any important services to his country, and scarcely heard of beyond the state, which gave him birth, until sent upon a public embassy.

"Corruption wins not more than honesty." I feel sir, when addressing you, the confidence of an old friend, and that an apology is unnecessary for the freedom of communication.

Be pleased to present my compliments to Mrs. Gerry. It would give me pleasure to receive a friendly visit from her and from you.

I am, dear sir,

With sentiments of respect and esteem,

Your friend and humble servant,

VOL. II.

19

ABIGAIL ADAMS.

CHAPTER V.

Cabinet of president Adams.......Mr. Gerry nominated on a mission to France...Hostility of Mr. Pickering...Acceptance urged by Mr. Jefferson.......Letter from Mr. Otis......Arrival in Paris...... State of France.....Retrospective history of the connexion between France and the United States.

THE election of Mr. Adams was a signal triumph to the federal party. It gave them, for at least four years, the command of the government, the influence of place and patronage, and the vantage ground of their opponents, which they lost no time to improve.

The executive chief was not it is true, selected by their voluntary preference. Men of leading influence among them entertained serious doubts of his fitness for the station, but "to preserve the harmony of their party, they thought it better to indulge their hopes than listen to their fears."*

Those of them, who were desirous of an undue share of influence, who from behind the throne would be greater than the throne itself, anticipated from the character of Mr. Adams insurmountable obstacles to their schemes of personal ambition. The experience of the president in the service of his country at home and abroad, through all the troubles of the revolution, and since the

* Hamilton's letter, page 16.

organization of its government, and the natural temperament of his mind justly proud of its resources, and confident in its strength, were not likely to devolve on the aspiring spirits, who surrounded him, the attributes of office, while he himself should hold a barren sceptre in his hand. The attempt to render him a mere automaton under their control, and the resistance, which his integrity and pride roused in opposition, soon produced that disunion in his cabinet, which mainly contributed to its fall.

The views of the president were however essentially those of the federal party, as they related to measures of domestic policy or foreign intercourse; and the spirit of his first communication to congress, was well calculated to elevate the confidence of his friends, and to diminish the influence of his opponents.

It spoke of the disposition of France to alienate the people of the United States from their government; a charge, the belief of which caused higher resentment than almost any other on the long catalogue of wrongs, and it gave point to the accusation, by something more than an intimation, that a conduct so demoralizing had already been encouraged by a party at home. The energy, with which the speech incited the citizens of the United States to convince France they were "not a degraded people humiliated under a colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fitted to be the

miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honour, character and interest," implied an accusation against all that class of the community, who by recommending a policy different from his own, had tended to produce the disgraceful condition at which he spurned.

The popular language of the day described the republican party as a French party, and the speech of the president was calculated to fix upon them the seal of reproach. It left a sting, which high and honourable men could not but resent. It was contrived, at some expense indeed, to bring to the aid of the executive those principles of loyalty and attachment to their political institutions of which the Americans are proud, by describing the opposers of the administration as miserable instruments of foreign influence, regardless of national honour, character and interest.

In the existing state of things, the first effort of sound policy was to restore the amicable relations between the United States and France, or if that was impossible, to bring to the standard of the administration a strong accession of force from the opposing ranks, by making the impossibility apparent.

The president therefore avowed his design of instituting a "fresh attempt at negotiation, and his intention to promote and accelerate an accommodation on terms compatible with the rights, duties, interests and honour of the nation."