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lates, 1651, three converted from being Pawaws, losing those gains, friends, &c. there is a conference with an Indian.

In the sixth book, called Tears of Repentance, 1653, Mr. Mahew sets down the covenant to serve Jehovah, that those Indians made, 1652; that about thirty Indian children were then at school. These praying Indians were shortly to be gathered into one town.

Mr. Elliot relates the confessions and repentance of about fifteen Natick Indians, in New-England Bay. Their own words Englished, and the hopeful words of two Indian children, under three years of age, before they died, as, 'God and Jesus Christ help me; God and Jesus Christ bless it,' before it would eat. The other, when its bawbles were bought it, being in pain, putting them away, it said, 'I will leave my basket, for I am going to God; I will leave my spoon and my tray, for I am going to God.'

In the seventh, and last book, called A late and further Manifestation of the Gospel's Progress amongst Indians in New-England, Mr. Elliot relates the examination of the Indians at Rocksbury, the thirteenth of the fourth month, 1654, before an assembly of the elders in and about the Bay, and others, concerning their knowledge in the grounds of the Christian religion. The narration whereof is judged fit to be printed, that God may have praises for his free grace wonderfully manifested; as it is attested by,

H. WHITFIELD,
ED. CALAMY,
SIMON ASHE,

And J. ARTHUR.

THE INTRODUCTION.

The two following narratives contain an account of all the parliamentmen in Oliver Cromwell's usurpation, and shew which way they all got their money.

The former narrative, particularly, gives an account of the choosing, coming together, secluding some, and of the sitting of the rest of Oliver's parliament; as also of the things that did attend them, and the acts that were passed by them; amongst which, what could be more oppressive, than that wicked and unjust act for new buildings, by which many, that for sixteen years before, had paid twice the value of their houses in taxes, were obliged to pay a year's rent more, or submit to be plundered, have their estates sequestered, and their persons cast into prison? This was attended with another act, establishing an excise for ever; which, with the customs it settled upon the crown, or person reigning, was a standing revenue to enable the government to keep the people in perpetual slavery. After this, it was also enacted, that the people should pay a tax for three years in

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time of peace, under a pretence to pay the soldiers; and, as if that did not suffice to empty the purses of the subject, this same parliament ordained a three months tax to be paid twice over. And, to mention but one more, here passed an act to erect a High court of justice' for the preservation of the protector's person; -but, in reality, with a design to give him power at pleasure, under the sanction of law, to take away the fortunes and lives of all such as he either feared, suspected, or disliked.

This first narrative also gives you a catalogue, and some historical account, of one hundred and eighty-two of the members of that unworthy assembly; who were either sons, kinsmen, servants, or attached to the protector's interest and fortunes, by places of profit, offices, salaries, or other advantages, which were all paid by the publick; and, to their great distress, amounted to one million sixteen thousand three hundred and seventeen pounds, sixteen shillings, and eightpence sterling, and upwards per annum.

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Whereby it doth appear, says a certain author of that time, what fine suckers they are of the riches and fatness of the commonwealth; and how unlikely they were (being so packed for his interest, and so well seasoned with the salt of his palace) to bring forth the so much prayed for, engaged, fought, and bled for rights and liberties of the people." Then follow a few queries, and a catalogue of the kinglings, or names of those seventy that voted for the Kingship, with the counties which they represented; after this is mentioned, how the government, then to be established, was carried in the house but by three voices. And this is attended with a list of those members of that assembly, who, though they gave not their vote, either for Kingship, or the then government, by the humble petition and advice, and pretended to be against and dis-satisfied with both, are sharply and justly reproved for betraying the trust committed to them by the people; and so this first narrative concludes with some general queries. The second narrative records some of the most remarkable passages, which occur in their second session, with the end and dissolution of the whole, after two or three weeks sitting; as also something of another house, intended for a house of lords, describing forty-three of its members; though it was not long before that the chief of that new form of government had declared, It would never be well, neither should England ever see good days whilst there was left one Lord in the nation.' Yet now new Lords must be made by the dozens to aggrandize the lord protector, and make him appear like a King, though so much blood and treasure had been lately spent against a negative voice in the King and lords.

A

NARRATIVE OF THE LATE PARLIAMENT. (SO CALLED.)

Their election and appearing; the seclusion of a great part of them; the sitting of the rest. With an account of the places of profit, salaries, and advantages which they hold and receive under the present power; with some queries thereupon, and upon the most material acts and proceedings passed by them. All humbly proposed to consideration, and published for information of the people, by a friend to the commonwealth, and to its dear-bought rights and freedom.

Anuo 1657, quarto, containing sixty-three pages.

IT

is not unknown unto all intelligent and observing people what great stickling and underhand dealing was put in practice by the Ourt-party, in driving on interests and designs, about chusing this last Tetended parliament; in improving the major generals to that purpose who were not wanting in the matter) as also by writing of letters to the sheriffs, who were (some of them) very officious in that service: whereby several worthy patriots had very foul and unequal terms offered them, not being suffered to be put in nomination; justifying their proceedings to be no other, than according to order they had so to do. Middlesex, Cheshire, Berkshire, and the city of Canterbury, may serve for instances instead of others. Neither were the clergy behind, in endeavours for the advancement of their own interest, as appeared by meetings, held in very many counties, to agree and make choice before-hand among themselves, and then promote their choice against the election-day; and, upon the day appearing, like so many captains, or leaders, cried up the parties, they had chosen before to serve their interest. But what cause the people have to rejoice, and give them thanks for this service, doth already in part appear; and further may, when they shall feel the burthens of excise and customs, with the many fetters and snares attending the same, as also a tax backward, to be paid over again; and another for three years together, never the like in England before, together with a new project to raise money out of all such houses, for ten miles distance without the walls of the city of London, that, from thirty-seven years past, to the twenty ninth of September last, have beeu built upon new foundations; with other acts serving designs, but not one for the ease of the people, or the punishment of those who have wronged and abused them; by which acts, these gentlemen, and those that chose them, make themselves accessary to, and, as much as in them lies, guilty of all this hard bondage, that now is, or may further come upou us.

The gentlemen, chosen to sit in this assembly, accordingly made their appearance, and gave attendance at Westminster, in order to that service, where a great number of them find themselves secluded the house, and not suffered to enter in to do their duty; who having waited a day or two without success, many of them made an address to their fellowmembers, sitting in the house for their admittance. Some of the names

of those gentlemen, so kept out of the house, here follow.

Sir Arthur Haslerigg

Thomas Scott

Herbert Morley
John Bulkley
John Birch
Colonel Fenwick
Anthony Erby
Thomas Lister

Thomas Birch

Thomas Sanders

Henry Darley

John Weaver

Alexander Popham
Francis Thorp

Anthony Ashley Cooper
John Southby

Richard Greenvil

Thomas Adams

Richard Brown
Richard Darley
Thomas St. Nicholas
William James
John Boyse

Charles Hill
John Jones
William Wolley
Richard Radcliff
William Savill
Theophilus Biddulph
Henry Mildmay
Harbottle Grimston
William Welby
Charles Hussey

Edmund Harvey

John Sicklemore
William Doyly
Ralph Hare
John Hubbard
Oliver Raymond
Jeremiah Bentley
Philip Woodhouse

John Buxton
William Bloyse
William Gibbs
Thomas Southerton
Sir Thomas Bows
Edward Harlow
John Hanson

Clement Throgmorton
Henry North

Sir John Wittrong
George Courthop

Samuel Gost

John Buckland

Robert Long

John Northcot

John Young

John Doddrige

Henry Hungerford

Edward Yooker

William Morrice

John Haile
Edward Tukner
Challen Chute
Daniel Shatterden
Sir Thomas Styles
Richard Beale
Walter Moyle
Walter Vincent

John Gell

Henry Arthington
Henry Tempest
James Clavering
John Stanhope
Pen. Whaly
Abel Barker
Samuel More

Thomas Minors

Samuel Jones

Edward Hooper
Richard Winneve
John Fogg

Thomas Rivers
Henry Peckham

Charles Lloyd

John Thurbone

William Fisher

John Gore

Rowland Litton

The answer of the gentlemen in the house to the fore-mentioned address, was to this effect, viz. that those gentlemen must address themselves to the council.

Upon the unsatisfactoriness and injustice of which answer these gentlemen, rather than they would yield to so great a violation of parliamentary power, resolved to depart to their own countries again, which accordingly they did.

Upon this breach made in the house, and giving up the rights and interest of the English nation in parliament to be judged without doors, by an inferior power; divers gentlemen then sitting in the house, who being endued with principles of justice and righteousness, and love to the nation's freedom, immediately withdrew, and others would not enter into the house at all, but departed to their several habitations. Upon all which, it is proposed and queried :

Ist. Whether since the conquest there was ever such a blow given (by a people owning themselves a parliament) to the interest and freedom of the English nation, as the suffering to be secluded from them (by an inferior power) so great a number of members chosen by the people to sit, as their representatives in parliament, without any cause shewn for such a proceeding?

2. How this upstart protector and his council, of a little more than three years standing, should come to be impowered to do those things, which a King and his council, of more than four-hundred years descent, could not, nor durst not do. And whether the late, together with the former force put upon the house, by excluding so many of their members, be not a crime twenty-fold beyond that of the late King's, in going about to seclude the five members, so highly dis-resented in that day by the people, and afterwards attended with so great feud and bloodshed?

3. Whether, till this unworthy generation, there ever were such a company of false-hearted, low-spirited, mercenary Englishmen sitting in that house before, that would at once so easily give up the right, interest, and freedom of this nation, in suffering their fellow-members to be rent from them, and judged without doors? As if there were a just power at present upon earth, higher and greater than the good people's representers in parliament; which, by all well-affected people, in the army and elsewhere, was so generally acknowledged the supreme authority.

4. Whether these persons, in thus doing, as also in confirming (as it were) this usurpation by a law, in settling the government in a single person and his council, with a House of Lords as it was before; giving him a negative voice, and the power of disposing the militia and navy, things formerly so much complained of, and opposed, as the effects of

See a representation of the army, and large petition, in a book called Looking glass, p. 5, 11, 12, 13. And in Alb. Remonst. p. 25. 26. A Letter, p 40. An Act of Parliament, after be heading of the King p. 44. of the same book; and a Declaration 19 July, 1650, p. 47. and Declaration 1 August following, p. 49, 50. And a Declaration after the old parliament was dissolved, p. 54 of the same book, all procured in that day by the now protector, so called, and the then honest part of the army.

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