with the Princess Caroline, daughter of the Duke of Brunswick: the constant proofs of your affection for my person and family, persuade me that you will participate in the sentiments I fee on an occasion so interesting to my domestic happiness, and that you will enable me to make provision for such an establishment as you may think suitable to the rank and dignity of the heir apparent to the Crown of these kingdoms.

66 GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,

"The considerations which prove the necessity of a vigorous prosecution of the war will, I doubt not, induce you to make a timely and ample provision for the several branches of the public service, the estimates for which I have directed to be laid before you. While I regret the necessity of large additional burthens on my subjects, it is a just consolation and satisfaction to me to observe the state of our credit, commerce, and resources, which is the natural result of the continued exertions of industry, under the protection of a free and well regulated Government.

66 MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"A just sense of the blessings now so long enjoyed by this country will, I am persuaded, encourage you to make every effort which can enable you to transmit those blessings unimpaired to your posterity.

"I entertain a confident hope that, under the protection of Providence, and with constancy and perseverance on our part, the principles of social order, morality, and religion, will ultimately be successful; and that my faithful people will find their present exertions and sacrifices rewarded by the secure and permanent enjoyment of tranquillity at home, and by the deliverance of Europe from the greatest danger with which it has been threatened since the establishment of civilized society."

As soon as his Majesty had retired, their Lordships introduced and swore in several newly created peers. They then proceeded to take into consideration his Majesty's Speech, which being read, first by the Lord Chancellor, and a second time by the Clerk at the Table, Earl Camden rose to move for an Address.

His Lordship prefaced his motion by observing, that he would not obtrude himself on the attention of the House, were it not at a period so momentous and critical, as called upon every public man freely and candidly to state his sentiments of the national affairs. In his mind their situation was such, as required the utmost vigour and activity from all its Members in defence of the State; and in this view those exertions could not be directed with better effect than in support of the just and necessary war the nation was engaged in, and which was very properly recommended in the Speech from the Throne. Before he proceeded farther on this head, his Lordship adverted to that part of the Speech, which intimated the approaching nuptials of his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales; and on this he was confident there could exist but one opinion amongst their Lordships; an event which promised such an increase of happiness to the Royal family, and tended to give stability to the succession in the illustrious House of Brunswick to the throne, must excite the most pleasing sensations in every well-wisher of his country.

Recurring then to the line of his former observations on the situation of the country, his Lordship avowed himself decidedly of opinion, that the war should be prosecuted with unremitting vigour, and that far from being disheartened at the late ill successes (which he hoped ould prove only temporary) they should be a spur and an incentive to us to carry on the contest against the common enemy with rodoubled energy; and in this view, when the relative situation of the two countries was impartially considered, he said, that it would be found that Great Britain had a decided advantage; her resources were numerous and flourishing, and her credit perhaps greater than at any former period; for proof of this he had only to mention the circumstance of the late loans. Our war establishments were beyond comparison greater than at any former period, and at this moment we had at command an immense body of land forces ready for the execution of any enterprize that may be determined on. Compare this with the situation of the enemy, distracted by internal convulsions, and risking

every thing on external exertions far beyond its strength, and which therefore necessarily could not continue long, without credit, and its resources at the lowest ebb. Its great engine of finance the assignats bore at this moment a discount of 75 per cent. A nation making such preternatural efforts must, and at no very distant period, be destroyed by those exertions.

He was aware that such of their Lordships as professed to entertain different sentiments, would exert their ingenuity in exhibiting a contrast to the faithful picture he had delineated, and urge such a situation as a ground for a speedy pacification; but such, in his idea, even if the enemy were in a situation to treat, even if the peace then made could be relied on as certain for a day, would be an improper situation for this country to make overtures of peace to France. That haughty and insolent people, deeming that our late partial ill successes had either disheartened us, or reduced us to such a low ebb as to oblige us to crouch to them, would rise in their demands and exactions to such a degree, as would not only be inadmissible, but render us despicable in the eyes of all Europe. A peace so patched up, even on the best terms France would allow us, would be found only an armed truce, and a relapse of hostilities would in a short time ensue, and which would render it necessary to renew the war, but on much worse terms than those which we were originally engaged in.

After some other observations his Lordship moved an Address, which (as is generally the case on those occasions) was a faithful echo of the Speech, and fraught with assurances of the most decided support of the measures adopted by Government.

Lord Ponsonby (Earl of Besborough in Ireland, and hitherto better recollected by the title of Lord Duncannon), in a short but pertinent speech, seconded the Address.

The Earl of Guildford, in a speech of some length, stated his disapprobation of what had been advanced by the noble Earl, and of the general conduct of Government with respect to the present war. He observed, that with respect to that part of the Address which relates to the approaching nuptials of his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, no person could more cordially agree to it than he did, not only regarding it as a national benefit, but on account of the advantage and the increase of happiness it must confer on his Royal Highness himself, on whose private character the noble Earl took an opportunity to dwell in strains of the warmest eulogium.

In the course of his speech his Lordship took a comprehensive view of the entire operations of the present war, and entered into a detail respecting some particular events of the late campaign.

Drawing towards a conclusion, his Lordship took occasion to allude to the conduct of Ministers, in endeavouring to have it imagined that serious plots had been in agitation against the Constitution, and established form of Government of the Country, and had even gone so far as to render both Houses of Parliament a sort of vehicle for proclaiming such ideas to the public. He then moved an amendment, the substance of which was, a promise of support to his Majesty in prosecuting the war in such a manner as may be conducive to a speedy and honourable peace, and praying that the internal concerns of France may be no obstacle to such a pacification.

The Earl of Morton said a few words against the amendment.

Lord Hay (Earl of Kinnoul in Scotland) took the same side of the question, and spoke with much warmth and some effect, in support of the Address, and against the amendment.

The Earl of Derby supported the amendment at some length; he spoke in pointed terms of disapprobation of the conduct of Ministers, in involving this country in a war, which at least, he said, was unnecessary, and had, in its progress and effects, brought the greatest calamities and distress on the country. Earl Spencer vindicated the conduct of Ministers, and contended, that a successful prosecution of the war was to be looked for.

Marquis Lansdowne began by reprobating the conduct of Ministers in the, whole of their proceedings with regard to the present war: the resources of the

country, he admitted, were great, but when it required twenty-four millions for the support of one campaign, he had his doubts how long it could maintain it His Lordship spoke a considerable time, and concluded by seconding the amendment.

Lord Mulgrave rose, and went over the whole of the reign of Louis XIV. proceeding to the battle of Ramilies, and every other important victory gained, up to the present period; drawing his conclusions, that under the most unfavourable circumstances, the greatest battles have often proved successful to those who had suffered under the greatest misfortunes, which he trusted would be our case; he therefore should support the Address.

Several other Peers spoke for and against the question, and at three in the morning a division took place, Contents for the amendment 13, Non-Contents 108.

Jan. 6, 1795. Earl Stanhope brought on a motion on the internal government of France. His Lordship began by stating, that the present was a most important question: it was a question which he had been induced to submit to their Lordships' decision by the altered opinion of the country, and by the opening of the eyes of the people to their ruin and destruction. The eyes of their Lordship he trusted would also be opened; but if the motion with which it was his intention to conclude his speech should be negatived, the door of negotiation would then be shut, and for ever. It was his intention to argue the subject with temper, though, indeed, he had not always found other persons argue with the same temper themselves. As the House had but one object in view, the argument might be conducted with candour on both sides. He undertook to prove that the ruin of the French finances was impossible; and consequently to do away and destroy the great argument which the Ministers had always deduced from what they alledged to be the exhausted state of French finances. However expedient therefore his motion might be, it was not on the single ground of experience, or even of policy, that he meant to found his arguments, but on the foundation of substantial justice. What he had learnt in his youth, that justice was an indispensible duty, he should never forget, and if any thing were proved to him to be just, that thing, he contended, ought to be done. The French had solemnly disclaimed the principle of interference in the government of other countries; and from this he concluded, that the government of Great Britain had no right to interfere in the internal administration of France.

His Lordship, after endeavouring to prove that the objects of the war were - unattainable, concluded by moving, "That this country ought not, and will not, interfere in the internal affairs of France; and that it is expedient explicitly to declare the same."

.

A conversation took place amongst several of the Lords; in the course of which, the Earl of Carlisle moved the question of adjournment; on which the House divided, Contents 61, Non-Contents 1.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Dec. 30. The following newly elected their seats accordingly.

Lord Dorchester, for Cricklade;
William Dundas, Esq. for the Burghs
of Anstruther, &c.

Hon. John Simpson, for Wenlock;
Henry Strachey, Esq. for Bishop's
Castle;

Charles Chester, Esq. for Castle Rising;
Michael Hicks Beech, Esq. for Ciren-
cester;

Members were sworn in, and took

Charles Dundas, Esq. for Berks;
Sir John Frederick, Bart. for Surrey;
Sir Henry Vane Tempest, Bart. for
Durham city;

Gabriel Tucker Stewart, Esq. for
Weymouth;

Right Hon. William Wyndham, for
Norwich;

The Bill for preventing Clandestine Outlawries being read as usual, Mr. Sheridan, after apologizing for the seeming violation of the accustomed forms

of the House, of which he might be accused for obtruding a different matter, assured the House, that it was not from any disposition he felt to defer the respectful Address which was to be proposed to his Majesty for his gracious Speech from the Throne, but that he felt and deemed it his duty, as a Member of that House, to maintain and enforce the rights and privileges of his Constituents, who could not imagine themselves to be in the due enjoyment of them as long as the Habeas Corpus Act remained suspended; that was the great bul wark which protected their liberties and personal safety; and nothing now remained to countenance and justify the continuance of its suspension, since the issue of the late trials relieved us from the apprehension that any plot or conspiracies existed to endanger the form or peace of our Constitution. He therefore requested that some one of his Majesty's Ministers would previously condescend to inform the House if it was their intention to repeal it themselves, or renew it at the time of its expiration.

Mr. Dundas replied to Mr. Sheridan, and objected to his motion (upon which the Speaker observed there was nothing in the form of a motion before the House) Mr. Dundas moreover gave it as his firm opinion, that nothing had occurred since the last meeting of Parliament that induced him to believe, that the Act then passed for suspending the Habeas Corpus Bill should not still be kept in force, and even renewed after the time it of course expired, should circumstances call for such a measure of precaution.

Mr. Jekyl supported Mr. Sheridan, and in a very pointed and animated tone reprobated the attempts that were made to silence the free discussion of political topics, and to prevent Englishmen from candidly expressing their feelings and opinions, by conjuring up among them nothing less than the terrors of a Bastile.

Mr. Morris professed that he did not think Mr. Sheridan altogether orderly, but that should he bring forward at a proper time a motion of that tendency, it should meet with his cordial support.

The Solicitor-General replied at great length to what was advanced by Mr. Sheridan.

Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, and Mr. Sheridan, respectively offered many remarks. The latter gave notice, that he to-morrow would submit a motion to the House, for repealing the Act passed during the last session for suspending the Habeas Corpus Act.

Mr. Sheridan moved also an enquiry into the nomination of a third Secretary of State, an office which he said was abolished, and suppressed by an Act of Parliament, commonly called Mr. Burke's Bill.

After a sharp conflict of pointed repartee between Mr. Pitt, Mr. Dundas, and Mr. Sheridan, the Speaker proceeded to read his Majesty's Speech.

Sir Edward Knatchbull rose, and begged leave to move an Address, which he prefaced with a very few observations upon the King's Speech. He said nothing upon the first part of the Speech. For the conduct and events of the war, Ministers were responsible, and he doubted not they would be able to give compleat satisfaction to the House. The negociation of the States of Holland, he judged unworthy of any comment. He concluded by moving an Address to the same purport as that moved in the other House.

Mr. Canning seconded the Address.

Mr. Wilberforce next rose. He had made the present question a subject of serious deliberation, and though he remained for some time in considerable doubt, his decision obliged him to differ from those with whose sentiments he had usually acquiesced. He thought that peace might and ought to be concluded on equitable and honourable terms, and proposed an amendment to the following effect: "His Majesty's faithful Commons assure his Majesty, that they will always be ready to furnish him with such supplies as may be necessary to support the dignity of his throne, and to promote the welfare of his subjecte. Notwithstanding our recent reverses and disappointments, they earnestly hope that his Majesty's throne and dominions will remain secure from the attacks both of foreign and domestic foes. Yet from the retrospect of these calamities, they judge it adviseable to admonish his Majesty to take such mea

sures as may seem proper to procure a speedy and honourable peace. And if this be denied, his Majesty may rest assured, that his faithful Commons will furnish him with the necessary supplies for a vigorous prosecution of the just and necessary war."

Mr. Duncombe seconded the motion.

A long debate then took place, in the course of which Mr. Pitt proceeded to an investigation of the French finances, which he attempted to prove, were in so deranged and ruinous a situation, as to be unable to resist the resources of this country.

In the conclusion of his speech he said, that, if this country should not be assisted by Prussia, the British army might be increased to such amount as to supply the deficiency, and to act with more effect; that France, with exhausted finances, and declining resources, would thus be unable to resist the orce which Austria and Great Britain could bring against her during the next campaign.

Mr. Pitt was answered by Mr. Fox; after which Mr. Joliffe, Mr. Dundas, and Mr. Sheridan spoke; and soon after four in the morning, the House divided, for the amendment 73, against it 246. The original address was then put and carried.

Jan. 2, 1795. On the motion of Mr. Rose, the House resolved itself into a Committee of Supply, Mr. Hobart in the chair, and his Majesty's speech was referred to it, when it was moved, "That a Supply be granted to his Majesty.”

A debate of some length took place, in which Mr. Sheridan and Mr. Fox arraigned the conduct of the ministers on the score of the loan, and particularly for having guaranteed the Imperial loan.

M

Mr. Pitt replied, that all he had done was agreeable to certain arrangements that had been made, and from hich the country might expect a due return. As to the loan, he said, that war was better than peace for the stockholders: and further, he regarded the present government of France, as one with which no treaty of peace could be made with safety or honour; and we were not at present in a state which should induce us to be satisfied with an unsafe peace.

Several Members spoke. After which Mr. Hobart, as Chairman of the Committee of Supply, put the question, That a Supply be granted to his Majesty ; which was carried, and ordered to be reported the next day.

3. An address was ordered to be presented to his Majesty by Privy Councillors, that he would be pleased to give directions to the proper officers to lay before the House the following accounts: of the Ordinary of the Navy; Extraordinary of the Navy, Guards, and Garrisons: Ordnance Land Service; Reduced officers; Chelsea Out Pensioners; Services incurred and not provided for; Distribution of Grants; and Navy Debt.

Accounts of the Exchequer Bills, made out by virtue of an Act of last Session, for raising a certain sum: of ditto, for raising a further sum: and of ditto, made forth for 3,500,oool. were presented.

Mr. Rose presented an account of all the additions which have been made to the annual charge of the public debt.

Of the nett produce of the additional duties on horses and carriages from July 5, 1789; and also the nett produce of the tax of ten per cent. charge on the assessed taxes, by an Act of 31 Geo. III. for one year from October 10. 1793, to October 10, 1794:

Of the additional duties of 1789, on newspapers, advertisements, cards, dice, legacies, and probates of wills, for the same time:

Of the nett produce of the duties on sugar for one year, for the same time: On additional game certificates, for the same time:

On bills of exchange and receipts, for the same time:

Of the nett produce of the duties on British spirits, granted last session, to October 10:

On the stamp duty on indentures of Clerks to Attornies and Solicitors, from the time of the act taking place last year, to the 10th of October:

Of the additional duties on bricks and tiles, from the 28th of March, to October to, 1794: