their full complement of men to work their mines though it was admitted on all sides that they were far inferior in ability and physique to the native miners whose places they had usurped. Thus the strike at Cramlington—the last great one in the county of Northumberland-which lasted over twenty weeks, was brought to a termination.

It was very confidently predicted by the croakers that this long strike would shut up the union in Northumberland, but the men determined to support it at all hazards, and rallied boldly around it. During the progress of the strike, a levy of from 1s. to 1s. 6d. per man, per fortnight, was cheerfully paid by the men, and the total sum paid over from the general board towards the maintenance of the men on strike was upwards of £4,290; besides which there were very considerable subscriptions from other sources. Indeed, the strike, so far from in any way crippling the union, aided to stimulate it; and since that period it has gone on increasing in strength and importance, and has doubtless been the means of preventing many strikes, for there have been no serious disturbances between capital and labour since. When Mr. Burt was appointed agent there were only 20 collieries, with about 4,000 members, attached to the association, whilst there was not more than £23 in hand. Now there are 16,000 members associated, with an accumulated capital of £15,500. The first interview of a deputation of the men with the members of the Coal Trade Association, took place in December, 1871, the representatives of the union consisting of Messrs. Grieves, Nixon, Cummings, Brown, and Burt. They asked for ten hours per day for the boys, and after some friendly and good-tempered discussion the Coal Trade granted eleven. The next deputation met the Coal Trade in February, 1872, when they asked for an advance of 15 per cent., on which occasion 10 per cent. was granted; thus both sides conceding in a free and generous spirit. The members of the Coal Trade now began to see that the practice of meeting in committees in such a manner, to discuss the differences which could not fail to arise between the two interests, was much better than the old-fashioned mode of settling grievances by strikes; and in February, 1873, a joint committee was therefore formed for

the purpose of settling all disputes which might arise from time to time between employers and employed. The representatives of the coal-owners consisted of Mr. G. B. Forster, Mr. J. R. Liddell, Mr. J. B. Simpson, Mr. H. Richardson, Mr. S. C. Crone, and Mr. W. R. Cole; whilst the men were represented by Mr. William Grieves, Mr. T. Brown, Mr. J. Cummings, Mr. J. Bryson, Mr. J. Nixon, and Mr. T. Burt. Mr. John Nixon, who formerly had acted as president of the association, was appointed treasurer after Mr. Thos. Baulks resigned that office; but the work becoming too heavy for Mr. Burt, Mr. Nixon was subsequently elected assistant secretary; Mr. Wm. Grieves president; and Mr. R. Young treasurer. The miners have purchased large and commodious premises in Lovaine Crescent, Newcastle, where they transact all the business of the society. Messrs. Burt and Nixon reside on the premises, adjoining the offices, and in houses belonging the Northumberland Miners' Society.

Before closing this chapter I feel bound, in my desire to furnish an accurate account of all that has transpired, to refer to a very unpleasant affair which occurred in the early part of 1872, between a number of the miners of Northumberland and their indefatigable and valuable agent and secretary Mr. Thomas Burt. There are always in all associations of men certain individuals who are too much disposed to be discontented, however well they may be served, and unfortunately the Miners' Mutual Confident Association is no exception to this general rule. While all the world wondered at the great success which had attended Mr. Burt's labour, and all intelligent miners throughout the world appreciated the great zeal and energy with which he entered into their cause, a few malcontents set themselves to work to create a faction against him at the various collieries in the district, and succeeded in creating a pretty considerable schism. When matters had become so bad as to be no longer tolerable, Mr. Burt wrote a long and manly letter, appealing to the better sense of the men, and, as he anticipated, from his knowledge of the majority, with success. In the course of his letter he says:-"Men in positions of the kind must expect to have every word and deed freely criticised. Against this I have nothing to say. So far as I am concerned, I am willing and even desirous of the fullest and freest criticism. But of late,

I think all the bounds of fair criticism have been far overstepped, so far as my name is concerned. Anonymous scribblers have attempted to attack me in the columns of the public press; insinuations, most cowardly and base, have been made against me; language, the most coarse, the most vulgar and abusive, has been applied to me, and this in full meetings of the men. Is this fair to me personally? Is it likely to conduce to the interests of the association? If I commit any wrong is there not a proper tribunal before which I should be tried? or is it understood that any yelping cur may be allowed to bark, and bite me in the back, simply to gratify his own low instincts? Who are my masters? This, to me, is a vital question. Long ago I made up my mind never to have for my master a tyrant! I object quite as strongly to a number of tyrants. It is often said that working men are the greatest tyrants on the face of the earth. To this I do not subscribe-it is too general, too sweeping; but I can say from bitter experience that there are, in the ranks of working men, some of the greatest tyrants it has ever been my ill-fortune to meet with! We hear much about free speech, but of late attempts have been made to prevent me and others from expressing our opinions on some of the most important questions that have come before the association. I have seen clearly that there was in our ranks many men who do not like a man who freely speaks his mind; they would prefer a smooth-tongued hypocrite, who will flatter them, and agree with them in their wildest and extremest notions, to one who will tell them honestly what he thinks is right. Men of this class think no one does any work but themselves! As employers, they are the worst of tyrants, believing that those whom they have anything to do with paying, cease to have any individual rights, and are mere tools to do their bidding, and in return for their service, they will see to it, that their tools are made as miserable as possible. Are such men my masters? I do not myself regard them as such, and I will never do so. It has been said at some places that I have had the situation long enough. Perhaps I have. If I have had it till I have lost the confidence of the men, I have indeed had it too long. But those who speak thus can easily put it to the test. Were I to leave to-morrow, however, I am under no obliga

tion to those who attack me. I have done more work for them than I have ever been paid for. I have indeed been well paid in the kindness, the confidence, and gratitude of the great mass of the men. But these men cannot pay me, not possessing the sort of coin wherewith to do it."-After referring to the manner in which they met the proposal to advance his salary and to appoint an assistant, he goes on to say: "It would be dissimulation to say that I feel perfectly satisfied. From a variety of things, some of which I have referred to, I have felt very much annoyed. My first impulse was to give up the situation at once. I say this in no threatening spirit; to do so would be foolish, for out of so many men, it ought to be a very easy matter to replace me. On reflection, however, I saw that to act in this way would be unfair to the Association, and to the great mass of the men, against whom, I repeat, I have no complaint. I thought it best, therefore, to lay the whole subject before you, to see if something can be done-be your Agent who he may-to make the situation itself one that a man can hold without degrading his manhood, and losing his selfrespect. So far as I am conecrned, I tell you honestly, that, while I wish to be of service to you to the utmost extent, I do not care, nor have I ever cared an iota for the situation. If you wish me to continue in it, I can do so only on certain conditions, most of which I always understood to be implied, if not distinctly expressed, in the relationship that exists between us. 1.-Something must be done to protect me and other leading men against the personal attacks, in meetings at any rate, of the evil-disposed and ignorant. I ask this in the interest of the Association itself, for if something be not done, no man, who is worth having will take office for you at any price. 2.-I ask, and must have, the same personal rights as you yourselves possess. I came to you a free man, and I only can continue with you as such. (I choose my own company, I shall correspond with whom I like). I claim to have, or that I ought to have, some little time to call my own, and this leisure I dispose of in my own way. I shall at all times claim the higher liberty of speaking as I think upon every question. I will never consent to become the mere tool and mouth-piece for any man, or any body of men. What I am convinced is right, I shall

ever advocate to the best of my ability; and what I am convinced is wrong, I shall ever oppose, whether popular or unpopular. To act otherwise would be to degrade myself, and ultimately to become useless to you. 3.-As regards the wage question now before you, I leave it for you to settle. I shall never differ with you on that point, so long as I get, as I always yet have got, sufficient to maintain my family. I am not, nor have I ever been, serving you merely for money; at the same time I may frankly say, however, that, until you pay something like what is paid to the men holding similar positions, I will always consider the situation underpaid." The result of this appeal to the manliness and intelligence of the pitmen of Northumberland was what Mr. Burt, in his sagacity, had been led to expect, a powerful reaction set in in his favour; and he became more popular and influential than ever he had been.

CHAPTER XLIII.

THE CONDITION OF THE DURHAM MINERS. THE FORMATION OF THE PRESENT UNION IN DURHAM. THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION.

The disorganized state into which the miners were thrown, principally by the long-protracted and severe struggle which took place at the collieries of Messrs. Straker and Love, at Brandon, Brancepeth, Sunnybrow, and Oakenshaw, and the numerous strikes which sprung up like mushrooms all over the county; and subordinately, by the dissension, which, originating in the National Council, disseminated its baueful infection throughout the country, and divided men, whose interests lay in the closest of all unity, into innurable parties and factions. Long after the strike referred to had been finally concluded, and the men who had struck had been scattered amongst the various mines in the district, the newspapers devoted to the interests of the miners used to teem with letters-charge and replication-in which the most contemptible and petty of all feelings were principally predominant. In the face of such a condition all question of