Imagens das páginas
PDF
ePub

COBBETT'S

war, have caused many springs to be relaxed. The peace of the Continent, secured by the union of two great empires,

Parliamentary Debates: and the adhesion of Prussia, Denmark,

Sweden, and Austria, to the same system will impart fresh vigour to all the measures and deprive you of every means to trade

The Fifteenth Volume of the above Work is in the Press, and will be published with all proper dispatch. All Com-with Europe." munications will be carefully attended to; but it is particularly requested that they may be forwarded as early as possible.

OFFICIAL PAPERS.

order to subsidize your allies, but we are You pretend to impose new taxes, in not the dupes of your allegations. When you lay on new taxes, it is merely to cover your deficit. Your finances are an abyss, of which an enlightened mind only sees the depth. You endeavour to de

NOTES of the French Official Paper, the Mo-ceive yourselves and to deceive others;
NITEUR, on the KING OF ENGLAND's
SPEECH, at the opening of the Parliament.

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

66

the truth will appear, when the bankruptcy shall become general, and the papersurface, which covers the abyss, be borne down.

(Speech.) The inveterate hostility of "the Enemy continues to be directed against this country with unabated ani"mosity and violence, &c."

(Continued from page 320.) (Speech.)-"Whatever temporary and partial inconvenience may have resulted "from the measures which were directed" by France against those great sources of our prosperity and strength, those mea"sures have wholly failed of producing any permament or general effect." (Moniteur.)-You acknowledge that the measures directed by France against the main sources of your prosperity have produced some effect, but only a temporary effect. We shall point out the reason why that effect has only been momentary, and indicate the remedy. The affairs of Spain have opened to you many ports of that kingdom; they shall be shut against you. -Trieste was for you a place of immense trade; it is now for ever shut against you. Holland, above all, obstructed the result of measures, which derive their force from the uniformity of execution; she has betrayed the common cause; she has received your goods under an American flag, disowned by the United States themselves, or any other cloak; but she shall not receive them any longer. Your Orders in Council of 1807, render it necesary, that the coast and ports of Holland be occupied by French troops, and that shall be done. And, as one of the results of the first and second coalition was the extension of the coast of France to the Scheldt, the result of your Orders in Council of 1807. will be this, to extend the coast of France to the Elbe. The inconveniencies which you have hitherto experienced in a momentary manner, you shall henceforth constantly experience, and in a manner more severe. It must be confessed, that the exertions required by the continental

(Moniteur.)—But what then is the proof of this inveterate animosity of your enemy? Did not the two greatest Monarchs in the world concur at Erfurt to offer you peace? Still more lately have you not refused to enter into negotiation, and send agents to Morlaix to treat for an exchange of prisoners of war? The proposal was made to you according to your own insinuations, but you eluded it when presented officially, from fear it should lead to an accommodation. The Emperor of Russia and the Emperor of France desire peace, because they are great and powerful, by the extent and natural riches of their territory. England on the contrary, desires it not; because she wishes to subject the commerce of all nations to an impost regulated by the tarif of her Parliament, to oblige all ships, under whatsoever colours, to come to London, and to arrogate the right of laying a tax on the consumption of the whole world! Let the good genius of England at length open your eyes. Renounce these pretensions which you cannot maintain, which will cause the Continent to suffer, but which will end in your ruin! Restore your maritime law to its footing of six years ago. Repeal those fatal Orders of Council which no power can ever recognise; for the Russians, the French, and the Americans, will sooner recognise your King as King of Petersburgh and Moscow, of Paris, of Venice and of Rome, of Boston and of Baltimore, than submit to the Orders of Council, which are nothing

less than a proclamation of universal sovereignty.

Never was such a speech delivered from the throne of England; and those who make a sovereign speak thus, shew, that in all their actions is as much duplicity as want of prudence and of real greatness. Assuredly, this speech was written by the same hand that drew the instructions to Sir A. Wellesley, in Spain, to Lord Chatham, at Walcheren, and the Orders of Council of 1807. 'Tis the same medley of incoherent and ill-digested materials.

NOTES from the Same upon the DEBATES

in PARLIAMENT.

Debate on the King's Speech in the House of
Lords.

[ocr errors]

coast in a menacing posture; such a measure might have led us to apprehend a diversion, and might have produced some effect. But after the Expedition took place, when the months of September and October elapsed in giving proofs of the fatal, blundering awkwardness which attends all the operations by land, the Expedition to Flushing entered for nothing into the calculations of the belligerent powers. Besides, the Russians, Swedes, Danes, Prussians, Austrians, Spaniards, are all too well acquainted with the English Government to rely upon its succours. They know that, through the fogs of London, it can see nothing; and that none of the Statesmen of England have carried their political views beyond those of a Merchant of the City in his countinghouse. Instead of deliberating, as we may say, on the ground floor, let them ascend to the top of the Tower of London. They will then perceive that it is the interest of England to adopt a policy more generous, and embracing a greater number of objects within its range. But they want the English to be the monopolisers of the world, and consequently the enemies of the world. This sentiment displays itself in all your actions, in all your expressions, because it is the main spring of all your ideas.

You retained the Isle of Walcheren, because, amidst the jarring opinions of the Cabinet, you could not come to any decision; because you were told that the Isle of Walcheren might become a second Gibraltar, and enable you to command the Scheldt. Under this impression, you fortified Flushing, and erected permanent structures. Already materials had arrived for building barracks and magazines. The French soldiers observed you with a secret joy; and, for the retaking of Flush

Lord Liverpool." Austria requested "that we should retain Walcheren until "the Treaty of Peace was brought to a ter"mination; and however severe the con"ditions are which she has been compelled "to sign, it is certain that they are very "moderate in comparison of those with "which Buonaparte threatened her; and "there must have been some cause which urged him to renounce the pretensions "which he in the first instance advanced." (Moniteur.)-The English Expedition gave us some uneasiness at the beginning of August; by the 15th of that month it was only an object of ridicule. The squadron had gone up to Antwerp, and there were 100,000 men collected in the environs of that place. On the 15th of September, all the accounts from Flushing informed us that the English were dying there by thousands. At that period, the Peace, though not actually signed until the middle of October; was looked upon as concluded. The Austrians, who are ac-ing, with from 15 to 20,000 prisoners, quainted with the Isle of Walcheren, shrugged up their shoulders on finding that the cabinet of London, who extend their geographical discoveries to the South Sea, were ignorant of what every English smuggler and coaster knows, namely, that one cannot, with impunity, sleep in the open air for two nights together, on the coasts of Walcheren, in the months of July, August, Sept. October, and November.

It appears, then, that the destinies of the Expedition to Walcheren were terminated, when the Peace was concluded.

Had the Eng: h Expedition remained in the Downs, and in the Thames; had the troops remained encamped on the

waited only for the month of December and the setting in of the frosts, which would have rendered your retreat impossible. The clamours of your military men, and the evident proof of the plan which the French had in view, gave you good advice.

It was, therefore, your indecision, your false calculations, that made you retain the Isle of Walcheren; and not the intreaty of Austria, who scarcely knew of your landing when she had resolved to make peace, and who knew, better than any other, that she had nothing to expect from it; peace having been actually concluded on the 20th of September, though not signed until the 14th of Octo

ber. It thence appears, that it could not ence of the English Under-Secretaries and have been the interest of Austria that made their agents, with those whom they call you retain the pestilential Isle of Walche-conspirators, and make them the laughing ren during the months of October, Novem-stock and bye-word of Europe. We ought ber, and December. Anachronisms may to say thus much to tranquillize the inhabe borne with in a matter of ancient his- bitants of the territory which Mr. Canning, tory. A mistake of two or three months were there any truth in his statement, may even be regarded as of little conse- would denounce to the severity of the laws. quence, with respect to a fact that hap- The Government has not had to complain pened twenty years ago; but in this case of a single Frenchman. There have been with the fact before our eyes, you have correspondences with England; but they the hardihood to assert that during the were carried on by subaltern agents of the months of October, November, and De-police, under the authority of the Chiefs cember, an English army was ordered to of that department. Those were the spies Occupy the marshes of Walcheren, or, of Mr. Canning. in other words, that 100 men a day were to be sacrificed for 60 days in succession, to procure more favourable conditions of peace to Austria, who had made her peace at the commencement of October. This is" results of the battle" (of Maida) to insult the credulity of the people, and "successful." to laugh at the opinion of Europe. Debate on the same subject in the House of

[ocr errors]

Commons.

Mr Canning." The subjects of Buona"parté would have then seen, that whilst "he flattered them with narratives of his foreign victories, they were not secure "from invasion on their own territory." Moniteur.What a profound man is this same Mr. Canning! What a great secret he reveals to us! that a superior naval force can effect a landing on our coasts. The French must be very raw indeed, to be ignorant of such a discovery. The English can violate the French territory; but they have never violated it with impunity.

Mr. Canning." At that period, a disposition was manifested in that part of #his dominions to shake off the yoke of "his tyranny."

Moniteur. Mr. Canning by this assertion, covers himself with ridicule. If we could open the portfolios of the police, and make known the famous conspirators Mr. Canning talks of, we should discover conspiracies and plots, like those of Drake, who was applied to, merely to ease him of his money, and to know, from himself, what he was about. Men of wonderful ability! They boast of having secret correspondents in France, and they are surrounded by our spies. We read in their Cabinet, and, for a very slight challenge, we could publish the official correspond

Debate in the House of Lords on the Motion of Thanks to Lord Wellington.

Lord Grey." In all these respects the

"were

Moniteur.-Military Europe will see with astonishment the parliament of England occupying itself about the affair of Maida, a very inconsiderable action, in which 5,000 English had to do with 1,800 Frenchmen, 1,300 Poles, and about 1,000 Neapolitans. The French did not succeed in routing the English, who were under the protection of their vessels. One shrugs up one's shoulders at seeing a Parliament and a nation occupied about so insignificant an affair. A few days after that event, the English re-embarked, happy in having landed on the Continent without being made prisoners.

[Upon the Marquis Wellesley's review of his Brother's campaign, the Moniteur makes the following remarks:-]

Lord Wellesley is extremely maladroit. He forgets the narch of the Duke of Dal. matia upon Placentia with the 2d corps, of the Duke of Elchingen with the 6th, and of the Duke of Treviso with the 5th; that is to say, in all between 60 and 80,000 men. There is not a word of truth in the whole of this passage. The battle of Talavera was doubtful, The French conducted their attack badly, and committed great faults, But the allied army was superior to the French, as it consisted of 38,000 Spaniards and 26,000 English, whilst the French army amounted only to 45,000 men ; and it is a fact that the English were beaten and driven from the field as often as they attempted to attack the French. (To be continued.)

Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent Garden :-Sold also by J. BUDD, Pall-Mall,

[ocr errors]

LONDON:-Printed by T. C. Hansard, Peterborough-Coart, Fleet-Street,

VOL. XVII. No. 16.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 21, 1810.

[ocr errors]

[Price 1s.

"I beseech you, for the time to come, that we commit none but our own members; and that we avoid "these old Council Table Warrants, which run in generals, during pleasure which was the cause of "that excellent law, got with so much difficulty, called The Petition of Right: That for abolishing "the Star-Chamber, and regulating the Council-Table,' is not inferior to it.-I pray let us remember, "and apply it to ourselves, how dangerous and fatal it hath ever been for kings to extend and stretch "their prerogatives above, and beyond law; for the same fate befel the Council-Table, Star-Chamber, "and High Commission. I pray let us keep ourselves within our sphere, and not make our privileges, "Entia transcendentia, which are not to be found in any predicament of Law."SIR JOHN MAYNARD'S Speech in the House of Commons, 1648. Parliamentary History, Vol. III p. 959.

"When I said to LORD CHATHAM, What will become of poor England, that doats on the imperfections "of her pretended constitution? he replied, My dear Lord, the gout will dispose of me soon enough to "prevent me from feeling the consequences of this infa uation: but, before the end of this century, "either the Parliament will reform itself from within, or be reformed with a vengeance from without.”EARL BUCHAN'S Essays on the Lives and Writings of Fletcher and Thomson: p. 215. Octavo, 1792. 577]

SIR FRANCIS

AND

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM!

-[578

nessing the proofs of Sir Francis's popu larity; the envy; the " envy, eldest born of hell," which this set in motion, gave rise to the attempt which was made, to propagate a belief, that Sir Francis had THESE words are the motto of the Peo-broken his promise with the Serjeant at ple of Westminster, and, indeed, of the Arms. Enough was said, upon this subpeople of England, who are now quite sa-ject, to satisfy any rational man of the utter tisfied, that nothing can save them from falsehood of the charge, and, indeed, there i that ruin and degradation, which was pre-is no such man that doubts of its falsedicted by LORD CHATHAM, but a reform, hood; but, a little more may, and shall, a real reform, a radical reform, in the Com- be done in the way of exposing to public mons House of Parliament. Being of opi- execration those with whoa the calumny nion, that the present struggle for the per- originated.--On Friday Forerom, about sonal liberty of the subject, and that ali ten o'clock, the Serjeant at Arms wrote a the other struggles, are of no use, and can letter to Sir Francis, wishing to know, when be of no use, unless as tending towards the it would be agreeable to him for the Ser- » producing of that reform, it is my inten-jeant to go to him and conduct him to the tion, in the present sheet, to offer some Tower. Sir Francis wrote for answer: observations with respect to the sort of re- "Sir, I have just received your polite form to be desired, and the natural conse-"letter, and shall be at home to receive you, quences of such reform.

-But, before I enter upon these observations, I must beg the reader's patience, while I finish what, for want of time and for want of more full information, I left unfinished last week, in the History, which I gave of the sending of SIR FRANCIS (we may leave out the Burdett, for there is but one Sir Francis in England) to the Tower, and the remarks which were added, relative to his conduct, subsequent to the Vote of the Honourable House for sending him thither.

The misrepresentations, with regard to the conduct of Sir Francis, during the space from the issuing of the Speaker's Warrant to the time of the actual imprisonment, were pretty well exposed last week. But, upon one point the exposure was not quite complete.-Mortification at wit

"at twelve o'clock to-morrow."--The
Serjeant went to him in the evening of
the same day (before this letter had.
reached him); and, parted with Sir Fran
cis upon an agreement, that the Serjeant]
was to go the next day at eleven. Instead,
of this, however, the Serjeant went aga
that same night, and wished to take SiPHO
cis off immediately. Sir Francis refused to,
go; here began the resistanceand?
this was called a breach of promise.
It was before shewn, that Sir Francis'ST
letter to the Serjeant contained no promise
at all; that, to say, that he should be,"

10

[ocr errors]

at home to receive the Serjeant, was 89," far from saying, that he should be ready 195 go with the Serjeant to the Tower, that it pretty clearly meant quite another thing? and, that, even supposing Sir Francia, pasi » the first interview with the Serjeant (im

T

the afternoon of Friday about five o'clock,) even supposing him then to have used words that seemed to imply, that he would go to the Tower with him the next day, it did not follow, that he broke his promise because he refused to go with him that night; though, if such understanding had really existed between them, it is clear enough that the Serjeant would be chargeable with a breach of his promise.

The truth, however, appears to be, that no such promise ever was made by Sir Francis, either by expression or implication. And this truth is manifest from the Evidence of the Serjeant himself, which evidence, as published by the Honourable House itself, I have now before me.From this evidence, it appears, that the Serjeant, after seeing Sir Francis, in the afternoon of the Friday, about five o'clock, went to the Speaker; and, that, it was in consequence of what the Speaker said to him, that he altered his mind about the time of putting the warrant in execution, and that he went to Sir Francis about eight o'clock, in order to put his warrant in execution without delay. Now, if the Serjeant had no notion of any resistance; if he really did understand that Sir Francis meant to go quietly with him the next day, what did he go to the Speaker at all for about the matter? What could take him to the Speaker?-But, let us hear his own story, as far as relates to this point: -"A little before four o'clock (Friday afternoon) I went down to the House of "Commons, and was told, that Sir Francis "had been seen going into his house; I "immediately went back, and saw Sir "Francis. He told me that he had writ"ten me an answer to my letter, thanking "me for it, and saying, that he would be "ready to receive me the next morning "at eleven o'clock; at the same time he "said he should write a letter to the Speaker. "I then left him under the impression "that he intended to go with me the next "morning; and thinking that the quietest "method of carrying the thing into effect. "was the best, and having received the "Speaker's advice when I received the "Warrant to treat Sir Francis with proper 66 respect and courtesy, or words to that "effect. I may be allowed perhaps to "state at this moment that I had always "conceived that to have been a suffi"cient notice from myself to a member "of parliament, without serving the War"rant perhaps in a more regular way. "If I have erred in any way, I trust the

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

House will consider that I did it from a

proper motive of delicacy; that I wished "to shew proper respect to a member of "parliament upon such an occasion; and "had I wished to carry my Warrant into "effect at that moment, it would I think "not have been in my power, as I had no "assistance with me whatever, and there' "was a large mob collected before the "door of Sir Francis's house. From Sir "Francis's house I went to the Speaker, and reported to him what had taken place; and "the Speaker advised me immediately to go "back and put my Warrant into execution, " and also advised me to call at the Secre"tary of State's Office for any assistance I "conceived necessary to enable me to execute "my Warrant. I was detained at the Secretary of State's Office till half past "seven, and then was attended by Mr. "Clementson to Sir Francis Burdett's "house. On our being admitted to him, "I told Sir Francis that I was sorry to in"form him that I must name an earlier "hour for his removal, and shewed him "the Warrant for taking him into cus

66

[ocr errors]

tody, which he read. Sir Francis then "said, that he disputed the legality of the "Speaker's Warrant, &c. &c."—Then follows matter about which there is no dispute.Well, then; look at this evidence. We see, that, at the very first interview, Sr Francis told the Serjeant, that he should send a letter to the Speaker. Why should he tell him that, unless something had been said about resistance to the warrant; or, at least, if Sir Francis had meant to obey the warrant? But, supposing the Serjeant to have conceived the notion, that Sir Francis meant to write the Speaker a letter of compliments or of thanks ; still what carried the Serjeant in posthaste directly from the house of Sir Francis to that of the Speaker? Why should he go and make "a report" to the Speaker, unless something material had oc curred? What had he to report upon, if Sir Francis and he were perfectly agreed as to the time of going to the Tower; and, if no resistance was apprehended? I think, that a very small portion of even common sense is quite sufficient to enable any man to perceive, from these circumstances, that the Serjeant must, at the very first interview, have received an intimation, that Sir Francis meant to resist the execution of the warrant, and that, of course, the charge of breach of promise, on the part of the latter, has no foundation.- -But, what does the Speaker say,

« AnteriorContinuar »