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opened by the discovery of the remains of the choicest and most fruitful period of the past, caused almost every other department of academic study to be thrown into temporary oblivion and neglect. Learning, which, in a merely polyhistoric and accumulative form, it is true, showed itself most strongly in the declining glories of the old world, has ever been the inseparable accompaniment of the highest genius, and the most fruitful originality in the new. The age of Charlemagne, of Petrarca, and of Lessing abound in memorable examples of the truth of this assertion. At each of these epochs the remains of antiquity were searched into with an indescribable fervor of enthusiasm, not merely for the information they contained, in which case their utility would soon have been exhausted, but as suggesting eternal principles of thought and action-as a revelation for the noblest life of intellect. In the days of Erasmus and the Reformation the profession of the scholar was either openly embraced, or virtually followed by all the most richly endowed and masterly intellects of the time; and the chairs of philology became in fact the most important portions of the whole University course of instruction. The more elevated and academical character assumed by this subject, together with the greater perfection to which the lower stages of the educational system were gradually brought caused throughout the continent the removal from the University of the entire preparatory course, which was henceforward completed within the collegiate schools.' Classical learning, as the most comprehensive and rigidly exact of all the sciences which deal with the results of time, became the very left arm of Philosophy and academic instruction, but its study in the University was confined to those who intended to embrace philology as a profession.

1. See discussions, &c., by Sir William Hamilton, p. 410.

Notes-On Superior Instruction in Ancient Times.

MUSEUM OF ALEXANDRIA.

The building was situated in the quarter of Alexandria called the Brychion, and formed together with the library a part of the Royal Palace. That these appointments possessed something of the snug and luxurious character attaching to collegiate appointments in England may be concluded from the words of Timon, the sceptic and sillograph (Athenaeus I, 41), where he describes the members of this society as "fed in the fattening cage of the Muses." (Bócκονται Μουσέων εν ταλάρω.). The Museum was thoroughly regarded in the light of an important institution of the state, and after the subjugation of Egypt by the Romans continued to be maintained by the Emperors.

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Poets also, as well as scholars and men of science, were attached to the rúkλos, or society of the Museum, though probably more as a species of literary pensioners than as constituting a part of the regular staff of the institution. In Boeckh. (Corpus Inscr. Gr. Pars XXIX. Sect. III. 47, 48,) an 'Oμnpikòs moindès ex Movacíov is mentioned. Under the later Emperors persons who did not reside in Alexandria were also appointed members. Gräfenhahn G. d. Cl. Litt. III. p. 51. Zumpt über den Bestand der philosoph. Schulen in Athen. p. 20. Anm. 4. Certain learned festivals were regularly celebrated in the Museum, and bɔre apparently some analogy to the Commemorations of the English Universities. It was on some annually recurring occasion of this kind that the writings of the Emperor Claudius were publicly read. Suet. vit. Claud. c. 42. Celebrations of this nature seem, indeed, not to have been unusual in the academic life of the ancients. Even the iridɛišeis of the Sophists were succeeded by a half holiday. See Liban. πρὸς τὰς τοῦ παιδαγωγοῦ βλασφημίας, p. 281.

LITERARY CLUBS AND FEASTS IN ANCIENT GREECE.

The σύνοδοι, συμπόσια and συσσίτια of the philosophers, like those politically established in certain states of Greece, arose out of the conception of the most perfect and entire intimacy of friendship amongst the individuals of whom they were composed. In the words of Plutarch, such an association was regarded as a dtaγωγὴ εἰς φιλίαν ὑπὸ χάριτος τελευτῶσα. It was designed at once to ratify, and express a degree of attachment which had ripened into a union like that of actual brotherhood. Every such society was founded upon a supposed relationship of its various members; and like the family circle composed a species of little state (Muller's Dorians, II. p. 237). Associations of this nature particularly abounded in Thebes, and in this circumstance we may very possibly recognise a trace of the Pythagorean influences which, we know, were at all times particularly powerful in that city. (See Polyb. Fr. libri XX. c. 6. 6. cited by Zumpt über den Bestand der philosoph. Schulen in Athen p. 15.) So powerful was this striving after the strictest and closest forms of social life in the ancient schools of philosophy, that attempts were made to cement their union with each other by ties and interests of a still stronger, more permanent, and more unmistakeably domestic nature. Aristotle and Epicurus in their wills both expressed a desire that their daughters, and those who held in their affections an equivalent position, should be given in marriage to one of the academic fraternity. Diogen. Laert. V. 9. X. 17.

The ancient Greeks seem not to have yielded to the modern English in their partiality for the principle of public dinners. Every regularly recurring event of national importance, every association for the accomplishment of some worthy common end warmed into a tone of kindly good fellowship (poppooσóvn,) and easy familiarity, by being frequently commemorated in small assemblages of a convivial description. Athenaeus (Deipnosoph. V, 2) enumerates whole classes of public συμπόσια (φυλετικά, δημοτικά θίασοι, φρατρικά, ὀργεωνικά) which are de scribed as regularly instituted by their wisest legislators and statesmen. The philosophers one and all recognized this national usage as furnishing a means for the accomplishment of the noblest and most exalted ends, and the ovocíria were adopted in every variety of form as one of the most important and effective elements of their system of academic education. The ovμrócia referred to a little farther on in the text seem to have been composed of the mass of the students, whose number of course was too great to permit of their constantly dining with each other. The ovocíria on the other hand seem to have been embraced only the seniors, and so to say the graduates of the school (oi evppiλooopoùvtes, ovoxoXáçovres. Plut. symposiac. p. 677), who acted as assistants, and as a species of deliberative assembly in concert with the chief of the sect. The discussions which took place on these occasions exhibited philosophy in its lighter, gayer, more genial, and more versatile moods (Plutarch symposiac, I, pp. 563. 614). Questions were proposed, not of a knotty and abstruse nature, but such as gave play to ingenuity, wit, and high bred elegance of mind. It was to one of those parties that the compliment addressed by Timotheus to Plato "vestrae coenae non solum in praesentia, sed etiam postero die jucundae sunt" (Cic. Tusc. V. 100. Plut. symposiac. init.) had reference. The significance of the symposia, as a prominent part of the institutions designed to promote the moral discipline of the ancient schools, may be gathered from the number of writings in which a similar artistic form has been selected as the most suitable vehicle for the communication of the highest and most vitally momentous doctrines of philosophy (Plutarch symposiac. I. p. 612).

The minor regulations observed in these meetings probably differed with each of the leading philosophical seots. Some particulars of the code of rules adhered to by the Peripatetics on certain occasions of this kind are alluded to in Athenaeus Deipnosoph. XII. p. 547. We are there informed that the individual appointed to superintend the moral conduct of the younger members of the sect remained in office for the space of one month, and when about to resign his authority into the hands of his successor invited those over whom he had presided to a banquet to which nine obols were contributed by each of the guests. Strangers and older members of the school were not unfrequently entertained on these occasions. From the accounts given by Athenaeus and Aulus Gellius the repast seems to have been of the most simple and frugal description (Noct. Att. XII. 8. Athen. Deipnos. X. 14). Under Lycon however (Athen. XII. p. 69) it became so preposterously extravagant and luxurious as quite to defeat the purposes of such an institution, the sum contributed not sufficing to provide even perfumes and garlands for the banquet. With Menedemus the opposite extreme prevailed to such a degree that it became necessary for the company to take the precaution of dining before hand (Diog. Laert. II. 15). This arrangement, it need hardly be mentioned, was received with intense disgust on the part of the public (κατεφρονεῖτο κύων καὶ λῆρος ὑπὸ τῶν Ἐρετριέων ἀκούων).

Three several associations of this nature were in existence amongst the Stoics. The Antipatristae, Diogenistae, and Panaetiastae (Athen. V. 2. p. 146), so

called from the successive masters of the school, Antipater of Tarsus, Diogenes of Babylon, and Panaetius of Rhodes, (Zumpt über den Bestand der philosoph. Schulen in Athen p. 15.) At the Halcyonea, a feast in memory of Halcyoneus, son of Antigonus Gonatas, for which funds were supplied by that monarch, philosophers of all sects met together. The duty of entertaining the company seems to have been annually taken in turn by the heads of cach. (Diogen. Laert. IV. 41, and V. 68. quoted by Zumpt über den B. der ph. Sch. in Athen p. 16.)

The younger members of the various schools were, as before mentioned, frequently invited to assemblies of this description at the house of the head of the sect (Aul. Gell. Noct. Att. XVII. 8). Much of course here depended upon the social gifts and graces of the academic Amphitryon, and something likewise upon the refinement and spiritual mindedness of his guests. The philosopher Menedemus was in the habit of asking two or three of the class to dinner, and inviting the rest for the evening. Wary and experienced seniors, it is said, contrived to hang about the door, and obtain information from the first comers with reference to the nature of the repast which awaited them, incontinently disappearing from the scene, unless undoubted, and most trustworthy assurances of a hot substantial supper were obtained. (Athen. Deipn. X. 15.)

Similar associations existed to a very considerable extent amongst the younger portion of the various philosophic sects (convivia juvenum). They appear to have borne a much greater resemblance to the Commerschen and Burschenschaften of German students at the present day than to the regular hall dinners of English Universities. Aulus Gellius tells us that the young Romans who studied the same subjects, and attended the same instructors in Athens (qui Romani in Graeciam veneramus, quique easdem auditiones cosdemque doctores colebamus) formed a sort of club, and regularly dined together once a week (hebdomadibus lunae Noct. Att XVIII. 4), and on feast days. Here the office of ovμnocíapxos went through the whole body in rotation, questions of a lighter nature were discussed, prizes given, fines imposed, and the sum thus collected served in part to defray the expenses of the next coenacula (XVIII. 13).

No ancient writer furnishes so distinct, and at the same time so joyous and genial a picture of the ancient academic life of Athens as the one we have just referred to. The simple and innocent enjoyments of his University period seems in the case of Aulus Gellius to have given a lasting tinge to the whole of the after existence of the man. He descants with infinite delight upon the pleasant evening parties, at the house of Taurus (Noct. Att. XVII. 8), with his lively and quick witted Athenian famulus, on the tone of modesty and cheerful enjoyment (hilare et modestam), which gave relish to the simple repast, and the sailing parties on the Aegean between Athens and Aegina during deliciously soft summer evenings in the companionship of youthful friends and associates. (Nox fuit et clemens mare, et anni aestes coelumque liquide serenum. Sedebamus ergo in puppi universi, et lucentia sidera considerabamus.)

The ovocírio of Plato, we are told, consisted of twenty-eight (Athenaeus Deipnosoph. I. 7). That of the Peripatetics, if we may judge from the wills of Theophrastus, Strato, and Lycon, appears at first to have comprised only ten members. Not only buildings, but furniture and plate (orpúpara kaì morńpia) are often mentioned as bequeathed to the societies thus constituted (Diog. Laert. V. 2, 3. 4. 9.)

SCHOOL OF PROTAGORAS AT ATHENS.

Protagoras came to the bright city with the profession of teaching "the political art"; and the young flocked around him. They flocked to him, be it observed, not because he promised them entertainment or novelty, such as the theatre might promise, and a people proverbially fickle and curious might exact; nor, on the other hand, had he any definite recompense to hold out,-a degree, for instance, or a snug fellowship, or an India writership, or a place in the civil service. He offered them just the sort of inducement, which carries off a man now to a conveyancer, or a medical practitioner, or an engineer,—he engaged to prepare them for the line of life which they had chosen as their own, and to prepare them better than Hippias or Prodicus, who were at Athens with him Whether he was really able to do this, is another thing altogether; or rather it makes the argument stronger, if he were unable; for, if the very promise of knowledge was so potent a spell, what would have been its real possession?

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But now let us hear the state of the case from the mouth of Hippocrates himself,—the youth, who in his eagerness woke Socrates, himself a young man at the time, while it was yet dark, to tell him that Protagoras was come to Athens. "When we had supped, and were going to bed," he says, "then my brother told me that Protagoras was arrived, and my first thought was to come and see you immediately; but afterwards it appeared to me too late at night. As soon, however, as sleep had refreshed me, up I got, and came here." And I," continued Socrates, giving an account of the conversation, "knowing his earnestness and excitability, said: 'What is that to you? does Protagoras do you any harm?' He laughed and said: 'That he does, Socrates; because he alone is wise, and does not make me so.' 'Nay,' said I, 'do you give him money enough, and he will make you wise too.' 'O Jupiter and ye gods,' he made answer, 'that it depended upon that, for I would spare nothing of my own, or of my friends' property either; and I have now come to you for this very pur. pose, to get you to speak to him in my behalf. For, besides that I am too young, I have never yet seen Protagoras, or heard him speak; for I was but a boy when he came before. However, all praise him, Socrates, and say that he has the greatest skill in speaking. But why do we not go to him, that we may

find him at home?"

They went on talking till the light; and then they set out for the house of Callias, where Protagoras, with others of his own calling, was lodged. There they found him pacing up and down the portico, with his host and others, among whom, on one side of him, was a son of Pericles (his father being at this time in power), while another son of Pericles, with another party, was on the other. A party followed, chiefly of foreigners, whom Protagoras had "bewitched, like Orpheus, by his voice." On the opposite side of the portico sat Hippias, with a bench of youths before him, who were asking him questions in physics and astronomy. Prodicus was still in bed, with some listeners on sofas round him. The house is described as quite full of guests. Such is the sketch given us of this school of Athens, as there represented. I do not enter on the question, as

PROTAGORAS was born at Abdera in Thrace, about 440 B. C., and was the first who adopted the name of Sophist and taught for pay. He traveled through Greece teaching oratory and politics as an art. During one of his visits to Athens, having taught that he did not know whether the gods existed or not, he was banished from the state, and his books were burned in the market place.

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