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It must suffice to say that his conclusion is

"God asks no penance but a better life.

We will quote a few pages without attempting to show their connection with the thread of his argument.

"A child had blown a bubble fair
That floated in the sunny air;

A hundred rainbows danced and swung
Upon its surface, as it hung

In films of changing color rolled,
Crimson, and amethyst, and gold,
With faintest streaks of azure sheen,
And curdling rivulets of green.
'If so the surface shines,' cried he,
'What marvel must the centre be !'
He caught it-on his empty hands
A drop of turbid water stands !

With men, to help the moments fly,

I tossed the ball of talk on high,
With glancing jest, and random stings,
Grazing the crests of thoughts and things,

In many a shifting ray of speech

That shot swift sparkles, each to each.

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And My religion, fill immensity!

Yours merely dot the landscape casually.

"T is well God does not measure a man's worth
By the image on his neighbor's retina.

We have far overstepped the bounds that we had set for ourselves; but no one who has read thus far will question that here was a poet of rare promise. But even poetic genius is not enough. The highest attainments in song can only be reached after the long and laborious training of every faculty. The great poets of our age have had life-long leisure for study. They have sought their inspiration from all that is most beautiful in form and color, and most noble in thought. The poet must feed on royal food; and wherever that royal food is to be found, in art, or nature, or literature, those who will rival Browning, or Tennyson, or Longfellow must seek it where they sought it, and feed upon it as they fed upon it.

WILLIAM L. KINGSLEY.

CLASSICAL AND PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF YALE COLLEGE.-OCT. 14TH, 1890.

Mr. Abbott read a Biographical Sketch of Cicero's Son. The principal sources of information for such a biography were shown to be Cicero's letters ad Atticum and ad Familiares, the two works De Officiis and De Legibus, Plutarch's Cicero, Seneca De Beneficiis, Pliny's Natural History, Dio Cassius, and an inscription contained in the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. The writer sketched the career of the orator's son as a school boy at Rome and in the provinces, as a soldier in the army of Pompeius, as an undergraduate in the University at Athens, as a military tribune under Marcus Brutus, and finally as consul at Rome and proconsul in Syria.

As a supplement to the paper, it was held by the writer that the manuscript reading pater nobis decessit a. d. IV. Kal. Decembres (ad Att. I. 6. 2) should be retained; secondly that the ancients possessed at least two books of letters which passed between Cicero and his son, all of which have been lost; thirdly that the length of time required for the journey from Rome to Athens cannot be determined from the first sentence in Ad Familiares, XVI. 21.1 as is done by Süpfle-Boeckel in their edition of Cicero's letters.

NEW ENGLANDER

YALE

AND

REVIEW.

No. CCXLIX.

DECEMBER, 1890.

ARTICLE I.-LEGISLATION CONCERNING CORRUPT AND ILLEGAL ELECTION PRACTICES.

MR. JOHN FISKE, the accomplished historian, in his recent work upon Civil Government in the United States, which was published last September, devotes a few paragraphs to the Secret Ballot Law of Massachusetts, and states that "It is unfavorable to bribery, because unless the briber can follow his man to the polls and see how he votes, he cannot be sure that his bribe is effective." Mr. Fiske then adds: "To make the precautions against bribery complete, it will doubtless be necessary to add to the secret ballot, the English system of accounting for election expenses. All the funds used in an election must pass through the hands of a small local committee, vouchers must be received for every penny that is expended, and after the election, an itemized account must be made out, and its accuracy attested under oath before a Notary Public. This system of accounting has put an end to bribery in England.”

The writer, in an Article published in the May number, 1890, of this magazine, said: "English authorities state that the corruption of voters in parliamentary elections in England is not

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prevented by the Australian ballot system, so much as by the stringent provisions of the Corrupt Practices Act. It will be found in this country that neither the Australian system, nor the Connecticut system alone, will prevent corruption unless these acts are supplemented by statutes based upon the principles of the English Corrupt Practices Act."

Since the publication of that Article, the writer has had an opportunity of conversing with several English and Scotch gentlemen concerning the election laws of the United Kingdom, and he has been strengthened in the opinion that bribery has been cut off in Great Britain by the Corrupt Practices Acts, rather than by the secret ballot system.

Last August, a gentleman who has lived for thirty years in Melbourne, Australia, stated that the "Australian ballot act," so-called, was passed to prevent intimidation rather than bribery, and that in his judgment, "corrupt practices acts" of the most stringent nature are necessary to prevent bribery.

Hon. Robert T. Lincoln informed the writer in July that his observation and information in England led him to the same conclusion. Statements published in some of the newspapers, since the election of November 4th, indicate that in New York, Massachusetts, and Connecticut, the secret ballot laws of those States have not prevented bribery in some places where there were voters who were ready to sell their votes, and men who were able and willing to purchase them. It will be found impracticable to prevent such a collusion, which was doubtless practiced in Montgomery county, in New York, where the bribed voter gave notice to the person who had purchased his vote that he had voted as agreed, by voting also on the same ticket for some individual for a minor office, the name having been agreed upon between the briber and the bribed. The "Corrupt Practices Act," so-called, passed by the last Assembly at Albany, is not thorough, or effective. It should specify and limit the legal expenses of an election. In the light of the foregoing facts and opinions, an Article upon English legislation on this subject may be timely.

The first serious attempt to prevent corrupt election practices in England was in 1854. The Act was entitled "The Corrupt Practices Prevention Act." Under its provisions, bribery was

defined, certain petty expenditures were forbidden, and election expenses of a certain character were made public by proper returns. This Act was supplemented by a few of the provisions of the Parliamentary Elections Act of 1868, by the Secret Ballot Act of 1872, and by the Corrupt Practices Act of 1879.

The English Ballot Act of 1872 contains substantially all the provisions of the Massachusetts Act of 1889. All of this legislation, however, had not effectually stopped the corrupt use of money in English elections, and in August, 1883, Parliament adopted the present efficient bill to prevent corrupt and illegal practices. It is known as Chapter 51, of the 46th and 47th Vict. Under its provisions, each candidate must, within a certain time before the election, name his election agent, and with the exception of a limited allowance for the personal expenses of the candidate, all expenditures in connection with the election must be made through the election agent of the candidate. The names of the agents must be declared in writing to the returning election officer, and that officer must give public notice of their names and addresses. Only one election agent can be appointed for each candidate, but sub-agents may be appointed for election precincts where there are more than one.

All clerks and messengers employed on behalf of the candidate at any election, must be appointed by the election agent, and he must hire every committee-room used on behalf of the candidate. All contracts in relation to expenses must be made by him. No advances or deposits of money can be made by any candidate, nor by any person in his behalf, or in behalf of his party, at any time before, during or after an election, except through the duly appointed election agent. All claims and bills connected with an election must be presented and paid within twenty-eight days after the election; and within thirtyfive days after the election, the agent must make a true return according to a schedule provided in the law, giving a statement of all payments made by him, together with all bills and receipts; a statement of the amount of the personal expenses, if any, paid by the candidate; of the sums paid to the election officers for their charges; of all disputed and unpaid claims, if any; of all money, securities, or the equivalent of money, received by

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