"O darling, I thought I'd lost you. I dreamt I was dying out there, alone; and you'd forgotten poor Dennis, and . . ." out knowing it: from those lips which are heart, Good-bye," in a fond lingering caby no means perfectly chiselled, no burn-dence. At last, with a strength of which ing eloquence, no brilliant and convincing he has seemed incapable, he starts up, argument, will ever fall. He may per- stretches out open arms, and cries with a suade by deeds; but not by words. He great sob of wonder and joy, is plain and common-place, a big, goodnatured person, whom nobody makes a hero of, or worships, but everybody tranquilly likes; round whose long legs half the children in the station tumble; on whose knees the most misanthropic canine individual rests a ready muzzle; whose horses, if they throw him on an average "O God!" he says, piteously: "It's twice a day without doors, follow him true! O, why was I born?" And he falls like dogs, and come trotting up eagerly at back, and hides his face, trying to stifle in his whistle, within. He has red hair, a the pillow the bitter sobs that tear their wide mouth under his great ragged mous-way from his throat. He stops short in the outpourings which Shafto has not the heart to check; the empty air that his arms embrace gives sad and silent denial to that happy vision. 66 tache, high cheek-bones, a long doubtful Becoming quieter, he looks up with sad nose, and an untutored manuer of express- confidence in the other's face. "I dreamed ing himself. But then "il est plus homme I was at home," he says, yearningly. que les autres hommes," so far as the no- "It was so awfully real! I'd like to tell bler side of manhood is concerned. He is you about her, Elphinstone, if you didn't unimpeachably brave, morally as well as mind." physically, unblenchingly true in speech and action, and as loyal to his principles as if they were oaths newly sworn. you?" "Do," answers Shafto, soothingly, supporting him with a strong arm, and putting the pillows straight tenderly, if And in his honest, plain face, his strong clumsily. "I've thought there was somegrip, his deep voice, which is yet so thing." gentle all this speaks: it is no wonder "Have asks Dennis, faintly. everybody bewails his departure, or that" Well, it isn't much of a story. I met on this, his last evening, he has been be- her first at a ball. I don't know about sieged with invitations, which he has re- her being so wonderfully pretty; but she linquished to sit where he sits now, by was unlike all other girls in the room, and the sick-bed of a man nearly a stranger, every where else. She made me feel whose fretfulness and terror have driven worse than I had ever felt before, and yet all others away. Shafto had quite for- wish more to be good-quite from the gotten some jokes at his expense a first moment. Well, I met her at a lot caricature of his own big clumsy self- more places. I never meant to fall in love the witty Irishman made for people to with her, nor to make her love me. . . . I laugh at a month or two before, till knew I was in debt, and awfully poor, and reminded of both by somebody who that I couldn't marry for years. When I wished to detain him, and then he had thought there wasn't any danger, I didn't said, in scorn, see why I should go away, and by the time I saw there was, I couldn't." fel "Bear malice to him for that, poor low? By Jove, what an idea!" and had straightway, as related, betaken himself to the sick-room. And I think, even if he could know what the faint hand that lies trustingly in his is to do to him one day, he would not cast it aside; but with a manly struggle, and a not less manly prayer, would go straight on, loyally, with the duty next his own, and trust in God for help in the bitter end. "Poor Paddy!" said Shafto, pityingly. "And she. bless her!" continued Dennis, smiling a little, with the sublime triumph of a true lover, in spite of everything, at the thought; "she didn't want me to go. When I spoke to her and told her I had meant all along to do what was right and honourable, but how my love had got too strong for me, and I must speak she spoke too. She told me she loved me, and that she was gladder and Poor Kilcourcy keeps stirring and mut- prouder of it than if I'd been a king on tering softly, and sometimes a sweet his throne; she said we'd wait for each happy smile that lightens it strangely, other, and be constant, and trustful, and creeps over his haggard face, making true all our lives. And I . . But I Shafto anxious; it seems so like a dying needn't tell all that," ," sighed Dennis, radiance. He sings too, weakly, over and wearily and mournfully. It's so bitter over, the same words "Good-bye, sweet-now it's all over. Well... we went on 66 loving and hoping; and I tried to get my "Surely," answered Shafto in a shaken voice. "Poor little girl! Yes?" "Didn't you try to make it up?" in: quired Elphinstone, sympathetically, wondering simply at the madness related. "No," returned Kilcourcy, his voice "Did she write, or anything?" warm." "But that was an opening. Did you write back? 66 am, "Things were in that way, when one day, just before I was going, by appointment, to meet her in the Row' I got a note from a cousin of mine, who had not long been married, imploring me to see her instantly, saying she would wait in a quiet part of the Park till I came, for it was a matter of life and death to her. I "Yes. I said we'd better part; that it had not a moment to write to my darling, was all hopeless, and I couldn't bear things even if she'd been at home to receive a as they were any longer, so I was going note. I went off at once to Nora - my away, but that I should always remember cousin, and found her awfully upset. Her her, and pray for her happiness. Oh, I husband-quite a lad was in an aw-was a fool, a coward!" groaned Dennis, ful scrape, one she dared not breathe to between his teeth. "But it's best for her. any one but me; not even to me, till she She'll marry a better fellow than I had sworn me to secrecy. I gave her the and one who can give her a home, and best advice in my power. (we had always not burden her with his bitter trouble." been friends), and left her. It was late, "Well." and I thought it would be of no use going to the Row, though I was in sight of it. If I only had! Strange, how a day, an hour spoils a man's whole life. . . though perhaps," said Dennis slowly and painfully, "it's better as it is. I went to four o'clock tea at my darling's house (she'd asked me before). They wouldn't let me in. I went away angry; but wrote and asked the reason, and begged her to see me the next day. She wrote back to say 'Yes,' but in the coldest way. I found another fellow there when I arrived: this put me out, and I wasn't in a temper to receive meekly her hits at some crime of mine which I was unconscious of having committed. We quarrelled and said hard things to each other. It came out at last that she had seen me with Nora. If I had been myself I'd have told her enough to Well, then I left and came here. And it's all over," repeated Kilcourcy, dreamily. 66 "Perhaps not," suggested Elphinstone, cheeringly. Perhaps you'll go home when you're better off, and find her true after all." "Oh, no, no!" cried Dennis, passionately, throwing himself back on the pillow. I'll never go home again, nor see her. She must be married by now." And as he lay, he writhed at the thought. Shafto tried hard to comfort him. He had a momentary idea of doing something in a pecuniary way for this hapless pair; but Dennis's reiterated declaration that his love loved him no longer, coupled with the fact that men cannot receive these favours at each other's hands, held him back from even its expression. Dennis fell sound asleep at last; and Elphinstone left him at early dawn, breathing so softly that his chest scarcely stirred, and clasping in his wasted hand a little locket, which was the only remnant of his happy love. So when Dennis, exhausted with talk- is thought, might be accepted without the ing, muttered, "No, I love her, I wor- country being thrown into confusion. On ship her; but I'll never, never see her all matters of great importance the Assemagain!" he was silenced, and could only bly acts entirely for itself. It frames propity him with the protecting tenderness jects of law, and passes them or alters them which men of his stamp sometimes have without paying any serious attention to for a nature with feminine foibles like the wishes of the Government. M. Thiers Kilcourcy's, and do his utmost to assuage is believed to retain all his old prepossesthe invalid's physical sufferings. sions against universal military service; but he has to look on in silence while the Assembly is passing clause after clause of a Bill obliging every Frenchman to serve for five years in the national army. General Trochu, with great reason as it seems to us, has in the last day or two made a powerful speech against this long term of compulsory service, and thinks that three years ought to be the limit. But it is to the Assembly, not to the Government, that he addresses his arguments. Again, the Budget of 1873 is soon to come on for discussion, and a Committee of the Assembly has been appointed to examine and report on it. M. Thiers is a Protectionist of the achingly The daylight which found him awake to the reluctant care of amateur alike in love and skill and weariness, and pain, and trembling terror, saw Shafto on board the vessel that was bearing him to his native land, to promised prosperity and popularity, and the choice, if he willed, of a fair bride. Yet, sobered by his vigil by that troubled sick-bed, this prayer rose to his lips-old school, but three-fourths of those apneedless now, sorely needed hereafter: "Grant unto Thy people that they may love the thing which Thou commandest, and desire that which Thou dost promise, that so, amid the sundry and manifold changes of this life, our hearts may surely there be fixed, where true joys are to be found." From The Saturday Review. pointed by the Assembly to sit on the Budget Committee are Free-traders. The Assembly will really frame the Budget for itself, and it will in all probability frame it on principles diametrically opposite to those which the Government is disposed to favour. No contrast could be greater than the contrast between such a state of things and that which obtains under Constitutional Monarchies like England. Here the Government frames all important measures, and if it cannot carry a fair proportion of the measures it proposes, it vanishes altogether and gives place to a Government THE wearisome nature of the details of better able to carry what it thinks ought current French history is apt to disguise to be carried. In the United States the the very great novelty of the experiment Executive and Legislative powers are quite in government that is being made in distinct; but the Executive and the majorFrance. Affairs are now managed there ity of the two branches of the Legislature in a fashion to which there is no parallel. are elected by and represent the same The Executive Government is very power-political party. The Executive as a genful in its own sphere. It controls the whole eral rule works in harmony with the Legisadministration of the country; it conducts lative power, because the two powers pro foreign affairs almost without any control ceed from the same source and are responbeing exercised over it. Considerable per-sible to the same set of persons. In France sonal respect and deference is shown to it, the Assembly and the Executive stand or at any rate to its Chief. But it is not supported by any majority in the Assembly. The Assembly and the Executive are two independent powers which treat with each other as if on equal terms. So long as it was believed that M. Thiers was indispensable, he could, in the last resort, force the Assembly to yield to his wishes. But it is generally understood now that M. Thiers, though very useful, is not indispensable; and if he chose to resign, his resignation, it apart from each other, and are under no other responsibility than that imposed by the fear lest they should become so unpopular in the country as to provoke a civil war or a coup d'état that might upset either or both of them. The Assembly is a legislative body, and it legislates; it not merely approves and amends laws, but it frames and originates them. The Executive is the Executive; and it sets itself resolutely, and with very great success, to oppose any invasion of its province on the part of the Assembly. It is true that two such parts of a great governing body cannot wholly stand aloof. M. Thiers tries hárd very often to get the Committees of the Assembly to adopt his views, and on many questions the action of the Assembly is largely determined by the preliminary exercise of the President's influence. Every now and then he speaks in the Assembly, and his opinions have there all the weight that they would in any case have as the opinions of M. Thiers, and something more in virtue of their being the expression of the views of the President. The Assembly, on the other hand, has prevented the Government from making Paris orce more the seat and centre of administration, although perhaps the decision of such a point is strictly a matter within the province of the Executive. Still, although there may be exchanges of influence of this sort, and compromises may occasionally be imposed by the one power on the other, the essential features of this very novel and interesting experiment in governing are untouched, and the Legislature and the Executive each move in their own path. self that he did not fight them in actual life. Yet M. Thiers has learnt to sit smiling and patient while the present rulers of France adopt principles of finance and military arrangements which he thinks totally wrong. The Assembly has improved immensely since it felt it had real power to use, and that, if it used it in a moderate manner and consulted the wishes of the country, it might within certain limits have its way and rule. The Assembly of to-day is almost another Assembly from that which met at Bordeaux. It is even very different from the Assembly which met after the autumn recess last year. It is not distracted by party intrigues. The schemes for the immediate restoration of Monarchy have died away. The Orleanists and the Legitimists of the White Flag no longer affect to settle the terms on which they shall make France their own. M. Rouher has had his say on behalf of the Empire, and has gained nothing by saying it. The Assembly is beginning to recognize the sway of distinct leaders. The Duke of Aumale, the Duke of Audriffet, Pasquier, General Chanzy, and M. Gambetta have made their emiWhether this curious state of things is nence felt, and men look to see what they destined to endure, whether we have some- have to say. The main reason of this hapthing new, and at the same time of perma-py change is that the Assembly has got nent value, in political life in this co-ordi- real work to do, and feels the bracing and nation of independent powers, as to which tranquilizing_influences of having to do the received opinion of theorists has hith- real work. To dec de how France shall erto been that either they must be impelled maintain its financial equilibrium, and to by the same springs of action, or else one remodel the national army, are two as of them must be subordinate to the other, grave matters as any set of men could be it is far too early as yet to say. It is more engaged in considering; and the Assemimportant for the moment to watch what bly has not to criticize, to reject, or to are the present effects of the political ar- amend schemes of dealing with these grave rangement; and these effects may be matters it has to deal with them itself. spoken of in very favourable terms. The It cannot shelter itself behind the name of moderation and good sense both of the the Government, and throw all the blame President and of the Assembly have visibly of bad measures on M. Thiers. It has to act increased since their relation to each other and to act under a very great sense of rehas been defined, and it has been recog-sponsibility; and the consequence is that nized what part each has to play. If there were two things on a profound knowledge of which M. Thiers especially piqued himself, they were finance and the art of war. He had perfectly persuaded himself of the truth of the theory that what is good for England is not the same as what is good for France in finance or in anything else, and that it is the speciality of France to thrive best under Protection, just as he does not for a moment deny that it is the speciality of England to thrive best under Free-trade. He has written a history of the Great Napoleon, and has fought the battles of that eminent persons o well on paper that he can scarcely realize to him it listens very readily to any one who has really got anything to say to it that is worth hearing; and it will listen to objections which it thinks are worth attending to. M. Gambetta, for example, who objected very strongly to a clause in the Army Bill providing that in certain cases the authorities might defer the time at which young men should be obliged to begin their service in the army, and who justly urged that such a provision would open the door to all kinds of jobbing and political favouritism, got such important modifications introduced that he declared himself almost satisfied. He wanted still further modifications, went to a division acting. And yet the Assembly has no wish, and was beaten by a large majority. But education means education given by the noticeable thing is, that he who was a priests on the principles of the Syllabus. year ago described by the President as a But these principles are directly opposed raging madman, is now listened to, speaks to the principles on which modern society most rationally, gains some points, loses in France or elsewhere habitually and others, and has risen, or sunk, as people avowedly acts. The case of Prussia, so far may choose to call it, to the position of a as Prussia is a Protestant country, is totally useful and influential member of a working different. There is no collision between the body. religious and the political teaching of ProtWith regard to no subject is the grow- estants. They have got their own way, ing moderation of the Assembly more con- which Roman Catholics pronounce to be a spicuous than on matters connected with foolish and illogical way, of reconciling rereligion. If men can be rational and mod- ligion with modern thought. But nobody in erate about religion, they can be rational France has got any such way, and most and moderate about anything. In Eng- Frenchmen would heartily despise the noland there are many excellent and worthy tion of having it. The consequence is that persons who rise up and lie down every religious education after the Ultramontane day in the profound belief that the work- pattern cannot be favoured by the Asseming of the 25th section of the Education bly without the Assembly at the same time Act is the only really important subject dreading lest the youth of France should of human interest. If such is the feeling be brought up to hate all the principles as to the green wood of English Noncon- on which the Assembly itself is habitually formity, it is easy to conceive what must be the feeling as to the very dry wood of French Ultramontanism. But the Assembly is evidently impressed with that which impresses all laymen who have practically to decide on questions connected with religion, and that is the enormous difficulty of knowing what to do in such matters, and the wisdom of acting slowly and cautiously in so fiery a region of politics. The Bishop of Orleans during the progress of the Army Bill made a very eloquent speech in favour of religious instruction as the basis of the education of the young soldiers of France, and of the necessity of imbuing the army of the future with a grave, humble, reverential, and Christian spirit. He, like many other Frenchmen, recognized and acknowledged how different was the stamp of the Prussian army in this respect from the stamp of the armies of the Second Empire. But if he chose to ignore the main and fundamental difficulty which besets all action in France with regard to religious education, his hearers could not ignore it. The Bishop wishes the education of the army to be religious; he says that the Prussian army was more religious, or at least had been more drilled into religion, than the French, and that this was one cause of the easy defeat of the French army in the late war. As a general proposition, the great majority of the Assembly would of course agree with him, and would say that religious education, being the best basis for life in general, is also the best basis for the life of a soldier in particular. But when it is asked what is meant by religious education, then the answer in France is that religious From The Saturday Review. PETER THE GREAT. RUSSIA has been this week celebrating the two-hundredth anniversary of the birth of Peter the Great. A solemn service was held on the appointed day, last Tuesday, in the Cathedral. Then there was a procession by water to the landing-stage before the statue of the founder of the Russian Empire. The Emperor rode at the head of an imposing body of troops across the Isaac's Plain to the Cathedral of St. Isaac. Another grand service was ceiebrated, and once more the procession reA salute on the turned to the statue. largest scale was fired, and the troops marched by in all their splendour. Everything that was possible was done in honour of the truly remarkable man who |