JANUARY 7, 1833.] Public Lands. [SENATE. open force, their less wealthy and less powerful neigh- provement, or colonization? The report of the Commitbors: that the relative importance of Maryland would be tee on Manufactures repeatedly declares, that these lands small, and that "its wealth and consequence in the scale are a common fund, for the common benefit of all the of confederated States would sink of course." That State States. And yet the bill before you proposes to distriinsisted that a country unsettled at the commencement bute it for the separate benefit of each of the States. If of the war, claimed by the British Crown, and ceded to the acts of cession have made the fund a common one, it is it by the treaty of Paris, if wrested from the common common yet: for the constitution declares, that "all debts enemy by the blood and treasure of the thirteen States, contracted and engagements entered into before the adopshould be considered as a common property, subject tion of this constitution, shall be as valid against the United to be parcelled out by Congress into free, convenient, States under this constitution as under the confederation." and independent Governments." The State of New Where, then, is the authority for this distribution to be Jersey expressed her disappointment in finding no pro- found? shall we find it in the constitution? If these lands vision made in the confederation for empowering the are an object of such magnitude to the interests of the Congress to dispose of the vacant and impatented lands, nation as is represented, and it was intended to raise therecommonly called crown lands, for "defraying the ex- from a perpetual revenue, it is singular that some more penses of the war," and complained that she would special provision is not found in the constitution with "be left to sink under an enormous debt," whilst others regard to them. The power of Congress over them is would be enabled, in a short time, to replace their ex- not found in that general list of powers conferred upon penditures from the hard earnings of the whole confede- that body by that instrument: but we find the only clause racy. Two other States, Rhode Island and Delaware, in reference to the lands attached to the third section, were also dissatisfied with the provision in the articles of upon the subject of the admission of new States into the confederation, with regard to vacant territory claimed by Union; that clause is: "The Congress shall have power some of the States. The objections of all, however, were to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations overruled, and the articles were ratified, without amend- respecting, the territory or other property belonging to ment, by the objecting States. the United States." Is it pretended that, by this language, From all the examination I have been enabled to make an authority is conferred upon Congress to apply the into this branch of the subject, I have come to the conclu- money accruing from such disposition in any mode not sion that no one of the original States ever claimed to specially pointed out by the constitution, or that this interfere with these lands, except upon the grounds that money is not as much a part of the general revenue as that its own security and consequence required that its sister derived from imposts? Where, then, I ask again, do you States should not be so extensive in their territory, as to find the right of dividing the money amongst the States, be overshadowing, and that "crown lands" should form for their separate benefit? This bill not only proposes a fund to be appropriated towards the expenses of the to divide the money amongst the States, but authorizes war. I find it no where intimated that this fund should the States, at their election and at their discretion, to be perpetual, reaching through after ages, for the pur- apply it to any object which can be classified under pose of enriching the treasuries of the several States. I the general heads of education, internal improvement, am sustained in this view of the subject by some positive or colonization. I have always understood, Mr. Presi testimony. The Legislature of the State of New York dent, the received opinion to be, that the people and was the first, in point of time, to move in an attempt to States of this Union selected their members of Conreconcile the difficulties which had grown up on this sub-gress requiring of them the exercise of their best ject. That Legislature must have understood, in their judgments in carrying into effect the powers conferred fullest extent, the objects and claims of the several States; upon them by the constitution. But now it seems, sir, and in the preamble to their act of cession, they say, that Congress are to select twenty-four deputies, or agents, "And whereas, the articles of confederation and perpe- whose business it will be to relieve that body from the tual union, recommended by the honorable Congress of trouble of thinking and acting upon the subject of expendthe United States of America, have not proved acceptable ing the public money. The bill does not even confine to all the States, it having been conceived that a portion these agents in selecting objects of expenditure to such as of the waste and uncultivated territory, within the limits are for the general benefit. I have been always in favor or claims of certain States, ought to be appropriated as a of a well-regulated system of internal improvements, but common fund for the expenses of the war," Again, sir, never felt justified in expending public money upon any Congress, with a view of removing the embarrassments object which was not, in my judgment, of general imporrespecting the Western country, recommended to the tance to the whole country; but in voting for this bill, I States a liberal surrender of a portion of their territorial am not required to be satisfied of the general importance claims, "since they cannot be preserved entire without of the object; indeed, I am not required to know any endangering the stability of the general confederacy." thing about the object, for I am to transfer my discretion Other States, in making cessions, use more general lan- to an agent, who will take all such trouble off my hands. guage, but to none does the idea seem to have been pre- Can it be possible, Mr. President, that Congress can consent, that these lands were to be used as a perpetual fund. stitutionally delegate the high power of appropriating The first great purpose was, to destroy the jealousy of the money from the national treasury, and of applying it to smaller States, on account of the extended territory of the constitutional purposes, to any agent whatever? larger, and a second object was to make some provision for aiding in defraying the expenses of the war. If I am correct in my interpretation of the objects of these cessions, and of the spirit of the compacts, it would seem that these lands, after the debt of the revolution was discharged, should have been permitted to follow the sovereignty of the States in which they are situated. But, Sir, admitting, for the sake of argument, that an additional motive for these cessions was the formation of a money fund, to reach down through all time, for the "common benefit" of all the States; upon what principle is the right claimed to distribute the fund amongst the several States, for the purposes of education, internal im VOL. IX.-5 The States, if they choose, may, under this bill, apply their share of this money to the colonization of free persons of color. As to the condition of this class of our population, I trust I feel as an individual citizen possessing ordinary feelings of humanity should feel; but surely, the State I represent, as a community, can have little interest in this matter; and under what particular clause of the constitution this application of the common funds can be justified, I leave for those who support the bill to point out. Surely the compacts between this Government and the ceding States conter plated no such proceeding. Is it believed that either Virginia, North or South Carolina, or Georgia, had colonization in view, when they SENATE.] Public Lands. [JANUARY 7, 1833. made the cessions? Nay, sir; is it not known, as far as in a similar declaration on his part. The bill had undersuch a thing can be known, that if either of those States gone an ample discussion at the last session; there had had understood that the lands ceded were to be thus ap- been but a slight change since that time in the construcpropriated by the Federal Government, the cessions tion of this body; and it would be unnecessary again to go would not have been made by them? There is one fea- over the whole ground of argument which had once and ture in this bill so objectionable, that it is difficult to ac- so recently been employed. The bill which he had incount for its introduction. I speak of that part of it which troduced at the present session, and which had been sent authorizes the States to apply this money to the redemp-to the Committee on Public Lands, was identically the bill tion of any existing debt contracted for internal improve- which had already once passed this body; and the grounds ments. In the first place, let me inquire whether any being the same, it would not be necessary to consume Senator claims to know the kind of improvements made much time in the observations he felt himself called upon in each of the States, and the debts thereby created? Are to make. He would, however, avail himself of the opwe prepared to say that no State has improved injudi-portunity to offer a few general observations, with a view ciously, or at an extravagant cost? If works of improve- to a comparison of the bill which he had introduced, with ment have been commenced or completed by the States, the amendment of the Committee on Public Lands. which have proved worthless, is the "common benefit" In the first place, he would describe the bill which he consulted by paying for them? It appears to me, that had brought forward. Congress should at least so dispose of a fund termed sa- By this bill it was proposed to set apart, for the benefit cred by the Committee on Manufactures, as not to throw of the new States, twelve and a half per cent. out of the it away in paying debts for works which have not bene-Laggregate proceeds, in addition to the five per cent. which fited any body. This "national trust" is not in good was now allowed to them by compact, before any division faith discharged by throwing the money into the ocean, took place among the States generally. It was thus pronor by applying it to objects of the character of which posed to assign, in the first place, seventeen and a half per we are profoundly ignorant. cent. to the new States, and then to divide the whole of Upon the whole, Mr. President, I am opposed to the the residue among the twenty-four States. And, in order bill, as hostile to the interests of the new States, as calcu- to do away any inequality among the new States, grants lated to perpetuate a feeling in the other States adverse are specifically made by the bill to those which had not to our advancement in population, and our progress in received, heretofore, as much land as the rest of the new agriculture, as in effect partitioning three-fourths of our States, from the General Government, so as to put all the territory amongst other sovereign States, giving to each new States on an equal footing. This twelve and a half a separate and immediate interest in the proceeds of the per cent. to the new States, to be at their disposal, for lands, and thereby forever precluding the hope of lessen- either education or internal improvement, and the residue ing the price of lands to actual settlers. I object to its to be at the disposition of the States, subject to no other passage, because it violates the obligations of solemn com- limitation than this, that it shall be at their option to apply pacts, and the constitution of the United States. the amount received either to the purposes of education, or the colonization of free people of color, or for internal improvements, or in debts which may have been This amendment proposes to reduce the price of lands contracted for internal improvements. And with respect which have already been offered for sale, and which re-to the duration of this scheme of distribution proposed by main unsold, from one dollar and a quarter to one dollar. the bill, it is limited to five years, unless hostilities shail It further proposes to permit any person, from any part occur between the United States and any foreign Power; of the United States, or from any part of the world, who in which event the proceeds are to be applied to the carryis disposed to settle and cultivate land, to purchase a ing on such war with vigor and effect against any common quarter section, and no more, by paying down half a dol-enemy with whom we may be brought in contact. After lar in cash per acre, provided that he shall reside on and the conclusion of peace, and after the discharge of the cultivate the same for five consecutive years. debt created by any such war, the aggregate funds to re A few words, sir, upon the amendment reported by the Committee on the Public Lands. I will not detain you by repeating what I have hereto- turn to that peaceful destination to which it was the intenfore said upon the expediency of this proposition. The tion of the bill that they should now be directed, that is, bill, sir, of the honorable Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. to the improvement of the moral and physical condition of CLAY,] preserves the present system of sales and lands at the country, and the promotion of the public happiness their present price, and requires the proceeds to be paid and prosperity into the treasury for the purpose of after distribution. Such are the general features of the bill which was reThe amendment adheres to the existing system, reducing ported by the Committee on Manufactures, under circumthe price, and requires the proceeds to be paid into the stances to which he would not now advert, at the last sesgeneral treasury, to be applied by Congress to the gene- sion, and was passed; and which was introduced by him ral good, under the solemn obligations imposed upon that again at the present session, had been referred to the body by the constitution. The single alternative pre- Committee on Public Lands, and reported by that comsented by the bill and the proposed amendment is, will mittee, with the amendment now under consideration. you have distribution amongst the States, or a reduction in price of a portion of the public lands? The first remark which seemed to him to be called for in reference to this subject, was as to the expediency, he I cannot conclude without pressing upon your attention would say the necessity, of its immediate settlement. On one further consideration. The new States are not now this point he was happy to believe that there was a unanirepresented in Congress according to their present popu- mous concurrence of opinion in that body. However they lation. Is it requiring too much to ask a delay in the de- might differ as to the terms on which the distribution of cision of this all-important question, until our augmented these lands should be made, they all agreed that it was a representation under the late census can be heard? If this question which ought to be promptly and finally, he hoped bill must pass, let it at least be done with this appearance amicably, adjusted. No time more favorable than the preof justice. sent moment could be selected for the settlement of this Mr. CLAY rose and said, that he had a few observa- question. The last session was much less favorable for tions to make to the Senate before the question was taken. the accomplishment of this object; and the reasons were The Senator from Illinois had, in the commencement of sufficiently obvious, without any waste of time in their his remarks, told the Senate that it was not necessary to specification. If the question were not now settled, but occupy their attention long, and he (Mr. C.) concurred if it were to be made the subject of an annual discussion, JANUARY 7, 1833.] Public Lands. [SENATE. mixing itself up with all the measures of legislation, it debt? No; they were purchased by the common treasure would be felt in its influence upon all, would produce of the whole United States. But, supposing that the progreat dissensions both in and out of the House, and affect position of the gentleman from Illinois were conceded; extensively all the great and important objects which that the debt being paid, the mortgage lifted, these lands might be before that body. They had had in the several States some experience on that subject; and, without going into any details on the subject, he would merely state, that it was known that for a long period the small amount of the public domain possessed by some of the States, in comparison with the quantity possessed by the General Government, had been a cause of great agitation in the public mind, and had greatly influenced the course of legislation. Persons coming from the quarter of the State in which the public land was situated, united in sympathy and interest, constituted always a body who acted together, to promote their common object, either by donations to settlers, or reduction in the price of the public lands, or the relief of those who are debtors for the public domain; and were always ready, as men always will be, to second all those measures which look towards the accomplishment of the main object which they have in view. So, if this question were not now settled, it would be a source of inexpressible difficulty hereafter, influencing all the great interests of the country in Congress, affecting great events without, and perhaps adding another to those unhappy causes of division which unfortunately exist at this moment. ought to be applied to promote the interests of the new States alone in which they are located. Was this a true history? Did the lands which were ceded by the several States pay the debt of the revolution? What was the debt of the revolution? That debt amounted, principal and interest, to not less than four hundred or four hundred and fifty millions of dollars; and the whole of the public lands which had been sold had only produced about forty millions. The lands, then, had not paid the debt of the revolution. They had not performed their office. The debt had been paid by the pockets of the people, and not by the public lands; and, to perform their office, the lands must repay that debt to the people. He (Mr. C.) would have no objection to adopt the principle of the gentleman from Illinois, that the lands should be applied to the payment of that debt, so long as any of it remained unpaid; and, afterwards, to the reimbursement of the pockets of the people of the money drawn from them, by taxes, to make up the deficiency of the public lands. If the honorable gentleman would apply his own principle, he (Mr. C.) would be satisfied. If he had mortgaged his estate, and the mortgage was lifted by a friend, he was bound to reimburse that friend. So, if the debt of the revolution, which the public lands are pledged to pay, was paid by the people, they ought to receive back from the lands both the principal and interest. If the gentleman would bring forward a proposition to pay all the revolutionary debt out of the public lands situated on this side of the Mississippi, and to reimburse the people to the amount which had been taken from their pockets, he (Mr. C.) would vote for the proposition; but that was substantially the object of the bill which he had introduced. The only Next to the settlement of this great question, it was un- difference was, that, instead of keeping an account which doubtedly of the first importance that it should be equita- would be complex in its character, and almost impractibly settled, so as to comprehend the interests of all, and to cable, a simple form was adopted in the bill, by providshow that those interests have not been lost sight of by ing for the division of the funds among the people of the the General Government. And, he would ask, could any United States, upon the most equitable of all principlesmode of settling the question, so as to consult and protect that of federal representation. With respect to that the interests of all, be offered, which would be more wor- largest portion of the public domain which was acquired thy of the acceptance of Congress than that which was by treaties, it could not be contended that it was incumproposed by the bill of the last session, which had been bent on the Government to appropriate any part of that sent to the Committee on Public Lands? In determining to the payment of the debt of the revolution. upon the merits of that bill, it would be necessary, in the The gentleman from Illinois had said that the scheme course of the few remarks which he should feel himself which he (Mr. C.) had presented was extremely fascinatcalled upon to make, to contrast it with the bill which ing, addressing itself powerfully to the States, and to had been reported by the Committee on Public Lands, every individual in the States. And was not the scheme and to make some observations on the argument in which the Senator from Illinois had advocated that plan, in order to induce the Senate to take it in preference to the bill which had already once received their sanction. He was very happy to find, in the message of the President, some reference made to the subject of the public lands; and especially an expression of the opinion that it was time this question should be put to rest. He was also glad to see it asserted, from the same high authority, that Congress had a full and uncontrolled power over the subject, to dispose of these lands or their proceeds, for the common benefit of the whole country, according to its sound discretion. of the honorable Senator also fascinating? Did it not address itself powerfully to those who occupy the public domain in the new States? The difference between us is this: He would, from that which was made by the deeds In the first place, the gentleman from Illinois contend- of cession, and the treaties of acquisition, the common ed that the whole of the public lands were ceded to the property of all, take what remains, and appropriate it for General Government for the purpose of paying the debt the exclusive benefit of a few; he would take the proincurred in the prosecution of the revolutionary war; that perty of the twenty-four States, and appropriate it for the this debt had now been paid; and that, as the land had per- benefit of the seven new States, and of such as may hereformed its office, it ought to be set free from further claim after become members of the Union. This, said Mr. C., on the part of the General Government, and to follow the is a plan of broad, liberal, and comprehensive justice; sovereignty of the different States in which they are lo- while his is a narrow, partial, and unjust scheme of apcated. And the gentleman from Illinois, in order to en-propriation, looking to the interests only of a part, and force his argument to the Senate, appealed to the message that, although a highly respectable, an inconsiderable of the President to show that such also was the view taken part of the whole. of the subject by the Executive. Now he (Mr. CLAY) But it was said by the gentleman, that the new States felt himself constrained to say that both the President and were not on an equality with the old States; that they the gentleman from Illinois had taken much too limited a could exercise no authority over the public domain; that view of the subject. All that portion of the public lands they could not take it for state purposes; that they had which lies beyond the river Mississippi, and below the not the power of taxing it; and, in short, enjoyed no State of Mississippi, and all Florida-were they thus con- benefit from it whatever. Now he (Mr. C.) took it, that ditionally ceded? Were they ceded to the General Go- the property of the United States, every where, was bevernment for the purpose of paying the revolutionary yond the control of the States in which it was situated. SENATE.] Public Lands. JANUARY 7, 1833. Had Pennsylvania any control over the mint or the arse- 17 per cent. to the new States, before you divide the nal, over any part of her territory which she had ceded proceeds, it would be a proportion quite as great as the to the United States, over the public ships, or over pub-increase of their population, if it were not augmented by lic property of any description within her limits? Had emigration. Or, if there was no tide of emigration to the any State any control over the property of the United new States, and migrations from them similar to those States? The difference, every where, was merely one which take place in other States, the amount which the of extent of national property, and this difference ex- people of the new States would expend in the purchase isted among the new States, as well as between them and of the public lands would not probably be equal to more the old. Ohio had only five millions of acres, for ex- than the 17 per cent. If, therefore, you give them 173 ample, of public lands within her limits; while Missouri per cent. before you give any thing to the other States, had thirty-eight millions. According to the doctrine of all complaints on the score of the drain of money on pubthe gentleman, they ought to have the right of control lic account must be put an end to. over this property, in order to place them on an equality. But this is not all. You not only give this 17 per cent., The inequality of Ohio and Missouri, as to the extent of but after assigning this particular amount to their exclulands, was as five to thirty-eight; while, as to popu- sive benefit, you then divide the residue of the proceeds lation, the inequality stood as one million to one hundred among the whole of the twenty-four States, including and fifty thousand, for Ohio, and against Missouri; the those which have already received the 17 per cent. smaller number having, under this principle, the control This additional dividend is about 16 or 17 per cent. more. over the greater extent of the public domain. That Thus there would be a total amount payable to the new which belongs to the General Government is not subject States equal to near one-third of the entire aggregate deto State legislation. There were some States in which rived from all the public lands of the United States, the United States held no property. In Kentucky there wherever situated. About one-sixth of the population of was no United States' property; while in the maritime the United States, which the new States contain, would States there is much of this property, which is beyond receive near one-third of the whole amount of the prothe control of the States. The gentleman from Illinois, ceeds of the public lands. Now, if this was done, would therefore, could derive no strength to his argument from not the condition of these new States be greatly bettered? his ground as to the extent of the public domain. It If the bill should pass, and the new States should thus should be recollected that the time was coming, as it had acquire the amount to which they would be entitled acalmost already come in the State of Ohio, when the pub-cording to its provisions, they would not merely obtain lic domain will be disposed of, and then there will be a perfect equality, as indeed there is now, between the States, in their rights and powers over whatever may be in their respective limits. the 17 per cent., and, by a participation in the residue of the fund, some indemnity for pecuniary contributions made by them to the General Government, but they would still enjoy their present proportion of the expenditures of the General Government within their limits. There would still be large expenditures in the event of war, as was the case during the last year; and there would still be the annual disbursements to Ind an agents, and on Indian annuities, &c. All these would continue. The gentleman from Illinois had asked, but without dwelling much upon the point, where was the power to make this division? He (Mr. C.) would refer him to an authority which, he believed, the honorable Senator would be the last member on that floor to controvert or depreciate--the authority of the President. He would The gentleman from Illinois spoke of the new States also refer him to the deeds of cession; to the acts of Con- as if he expressed the sentiments of all of them, and as if gress; to the understanding of all men; but especially he their wants and wishes were only known to him, and his would refer him to his own amendment, and the report construction of them was the only one deserving of reof the Committee on the Public Lands. What! had they spect. Now, at the last session, when this bill was passa right to give away the public lands by a partial and un-ed, the Senators from the seven new States were equally just distribution, and none to establish a broad and com- divided on this subject. There were, if he mistook not, prehensive scale of appropriation, doing justice to all por- two from Ohio, two from Indiana, two from Louisiana, tions of the United States? But he would not dwell on making six, and one from Mississippi, making exactly this part of the subject, which had been fully discussed half of the representation in that body of the seven new during the last session. States. Regarding the subject in the light in which he He would now beg leave to call the attention of Sena- did, that there would be, if things remained as they now tors to what was the present condition of the new States, are, no reflux of the money of the West drawn from it what would be the effect of the operation of this bill upon by the Federal Government, and that large and liberal them, and what would be the subsequent advantages which they would derive from its passage. grants of money were made to the new States by the provisions of this bill, it ought to be satisfactory to the most What was the complaint of the new States at present? ambitious Western heart. The Senate would recollect It was that a vast amount of their money was drawn from that, according to a table presented at the last session, the their limits, to be expended in other portions of the new States had increased at the rate of 85 per cent. Union, to their impoverishment and ruin. Continue the during the ten years from 1820 to 1830, and that the present system, and the evil is perpetuated. The money State of Illinois, during the same period, had increasof the West will still flow into the Eastern States, and stilled at the rate of 185 per cent.; while many of the old be expended there. But what would be the condition States had increased only at the rate of 25 per cent. The of the new States, if the bill which had been stricken out average increase of 13, having no public lands, was only by the committee were to pass? They would, in the first about 17 percent,; while some had scarcely any increase place, receive 17 per cent. of the amount of the pro-at all. The settlement of the new States is already sufficeeds of the sales of the lands, This 17 per cent. was ciently rapid, and any fresh impetus given to it would probably equal to the amount annually paid by the resi-only be productive of mischief. dent population of the new States themselves, exclusive A struggle always takes place at first among the new of what is paid by emigrants going into the new States. settlers as to preponderance, and this struggle is in proHe derived this inference from a letter which was laid portion to numbers, and the variety of the places of their before the Senate at the last session, from which it ap-origin. It requires some time before the new settlers peared that the thirteen States of the Union, in which can become acquainted with each other, the laws, custhere are no public lands, had increased only 17 per toms, and habits, religious and political, of the respective cent. within the ten years from 1820 to 1830. If you give States and countries from which they emigrated. It some JANUARY 7, 1833.] Public Lands. [SENATE. times happens that the most opprobrious epithets are in- common Union. Having already shown that the fund terchanged, until they become well acquainted with each itself was derived from the common blood and common other, perceive the good which each bring to the gene-treasure of the country, he would ask if it ought not ral stock, and, becoming reconciled to their condition, still to be held for the common benefit? The country proceed harmoniously in advancing their new settlements enjoys, he was willing to admit, unexampled prosperity. in the wilderness. If emigration were more rapid, there But did we hope that we should exist as a nation for would be still more of this spirit of discord; and all must centuries to come? Did we hope that our Union would agree that an increase in the ratio of 85 per cent. ought to last as long as the republics of antiquity, if not much be sufficient to satisfy the wishes and ambition of any man. longer? And are we, on the strength of such expectaAll that is wanted is money, assistance, aid from some tions, to make a wasteful disposition of the rich patrimoquarter or other, in making roads, providing for educa- ny which has been bequeathed to us? Are we always to tion, promoting the general improvements, and turning be free from wars, and troubles, and difficulties? What to advantage all those blessings which abound in those nation had always been exempt from them? Look at EuStates, and which are designed for the prosperity of so- rope, from which we sprang. It had enjoyed, he believciety. He must repeat, that a comparison of the condi-ed, at this time, one of the longest intervals of peace tion of those States, under the operation of this bill, and which had been experienced for several centuries. It without its advantages, ought to enlist in favor of the was only seventeen years and a half since the battle of bill every mind which was not prejudiced by other objects, Waterloo was fought, which terminated the wars of the and which was not looking too intently at the possibility French revolution, and we now see the whole of Euof grasping, in some form or other, all the public domain. rope apparently on the eve of a general war. And do we It must be clear to every unbiassed and impartial mind, expect to be forever at peace never to want money that it was better to accede to the arrangements of this again? never to be in debt? but to be free from all embill, than to remain in their present condition, with the barrassments and debts hereafter? No thinking man mere possibility of getting something more at a future could indulge these chimerical ideas, these vain specuday. If the views of gentlemen who supported the lations. What, then, was it our duty to do? Now was the amendment could even be admitted, was it likely that time, above all others, when we should nurse and take future harmony would be the result? Other new States care of our resources. What nation of antiquity, what would spring up beyond the Mississippi; and as they suc- nation of modern times, has ever possessed such vast recessively arose, following the example of the new States sources as the immense public domain, the capacious of this period, would lay claim to all the public lands within their limits. womb of unborn republics? He had had occasion to remark, either in his observations last session, or in the This consideration should induce the new States to feel report of the Committee on Manufactures, that five hunan interest in the passing of this bill. Those new States dred years hence, if we discharged our duty, and took beyond the Mississippi never would, never ought, never care of this important interest, they who will come after could, agree to an exclusive appropriation of these lands. us may be legislating in this very Hall, which he hoped They constitute a common fund, purchased by the com- would then be standing, as it would stand, upon this great mon blood and treasure, and are the common property and absorbing subject of the public domain. He recolof all. It was the duty of Congress so to regard it. It re- lected, during the late war, when the distress of the sulted from the treaties of acquisition, and was declared country was at its height, when we wanted money, by the deeds of cession to be for the common benefit of wanted credit, when our arms were paralyzed for want all; and he would venture to say that the day will never of the necessary means for sustaining the war-he recome when Congress, for the sake of partial benefits to a collected how it then gladdened every patriotic heart, comparatively small and inconsiderable portion of the when the exhaustless nature of this immense national people, will abandon this exhaustless source of public in- resource was cloquently depicted by a member of the come. Kentucky included no part of the public domain, other House; enough, not only for that, but for fifty or a and enjoyed very few of those advantages which flow hundred other wars, should we unfortunately become infrom the disbursements of the General Government. Her volved in them. But now we are out of debt, and it benefit in the common concern was chiefly indirect, con- would seem that we are never again to be in debt; that sisting in beholding the prosperity of the whole, and the we are out of difficulty, and never again to be in difficulsecurity of all from the Union. But, if this bill passed, ty: and a hundred schemes are suggested to dispose of she would participate in the more direct advantages of these lands, because of our unbounded prosperity; as if the common Government. we could not too soon get rid of the fund. Happier would it be for us, and happier too for posterity, should we be wise enough to husband well this resource. He trusted the Senate would not be deceived by these vain projects. It was said that there is some discontent in the West; and how was it proposed to allay this discontent? As an original part of that State which made such a vast cession to the Federal Government, he, in her behalf, entered his solemn protest against any violation of the terms of that munificent grant, by which Kentucky shall be stripped of what belongs to her in common with Virginia and the other members of the confederacy. He denied the fact, however; there never had been any As it respects the new States themselves, he could general discontent on the subject of the public lands; not but think that, if they would dispassionately examine there was nothing like discontent there. It was true, that the project under consideration, they would find that it some gentlemen, in various States of the West, had held possessed the strongest recommendation to their ac-out to the people of that quarter of the Union alluring ceptance. And he would repeat the assurance to them projects of the aggrandizement of their own States, by of his settled conviction, that, if they deceived them-setting up a claim to the lands within their limits; and it selves by the hope of obtaining the whole of the public was very likely that some of the people may have indulgdomain, and refuse what was now offered, they would ed a dream that something like these projects might one have just occasion hereafter to reproach themselves; or, day be realized: but there was nothing like discontent if not, they would be reproached by their posterity, for with the great body of the people on the subject of the throwing away the practical blessings within their reach, public lands. But if there were discontent, what would be in order to obtain an object which he solemnly believed the proper course to pursue? We ought to examine would never be accomplished. He would now call the calmly into the causes, to endeavor in a parental manner attention of the Senate to the provisions of this bill, and to investigate the extent of the disaffection. Should it their equitable character, as it respects the whole of the appear to be well founded, it would be our duty to en |