CHAP. XLIII.

Prince Eugene and the Affairs of Italy-Murat's Perfidy; declares War against France-the National Guard of Paris enrolled-the Emperor's Address. THE affairs of Italy, and the principal events of the vice-royalty of Eugene, now demand some share of attention; I shall therefore somewhat anticipate the order of time in laying before the reader those particulars relative to Eugene, which I obtained from authentic

sources.

After the campaign of 1812, when Eugene revisited Italy, he was promptly informed of the more than doubtful dispositions of Austria towards France. He, therefore, lost no time in organizing a force, capable of defending the country which the emperor had committed to his safeguard. Napoleon was well aware of the advantage he would derive from the presence, on the northern frontiers of Italy, of an army sufficiently strong to harass Austria, in case she should draw aside the transparent veil which still covered her policy. Eugene did all that depended on him to further the emperor's intentions; but, in spite of all his efforts, the army of Italy was, after all, only an imaginary army to those who could compare the number of men actually present with the number stated in the lists. When, in July, 1813, the viceroy was informed of the turn taken by the negotiations at the shadow of a congress assembled at Prague, he had no longer any doubt of the renewal of hostilities, and foreseeing an attack on Italy, he resolved, as speedily as possible, to approach the frontiers of Austria. By his utmost endeavours he could only assemble an army of about 45,000 infantry, and 5000 cavalry, consisting both of French and Italians. On the renewal of hostilities, the viceroy's head-quarters were at Udina. Down to the month of April, 1814, he succeeded in maintaining a formidable attitude, and in defending the entrance of his kingdom with that military talent which was to be expected in a man educated in the great school of Napoleon, and whom the army looked up to as one of its most skilful generals.

During the great and unfortunate events of 1813, pub

lic attention had been so much engrossed with Germany and the Rhine, that the affairs of Italy seemed to possess an inferior interest, until the defection of Murat for a time diverted attention to that country. At first, this fact was thought incredible by every one, and Napoleon's indignation was extreme. Another defection about the same period deeply distressed Eugene, for though raised to the rank of a prince, and almost a sovereign, he was still a man, and an excellent man. United to the Princess Amelia of Bavaria, who was as amiable and as much beloved as himself, he had the deep regret of counting the subjects of his father-in-law among the enemies whom he would probably have to combat. Fearing lest he should be harassed by the Bavarians on the side of the Tyrol, Eugene commenced his retrograde movement in the autumn of 1813. He at first fell back on the Tagliamento, and successively on the Adige. On reaching that river, the army of Italy was considerably diminished in spite of all Eugene's care of his troops. About the end of November, Eugene learned that a Neapolitan corps was advancing upon Upper Italy, part taking the direction of Rome and part that of Ancona. The object of the King of Naples was to take advantage of the situation of Europe, whilst, in fact, he was the dupe of the promises held out to him as the reward of his treason. Murat seemed to have adopted the deceitful policy of Austria, for not only had he determined to join the coalition, but was actually in communication with England and Austria at the very moment that he was making protestations of fidelity to Napoleon.

When first informed of Murat's treason by the viceroy, the emperor refused to believe it; No,' he exclaimed, to those about him, it cannot be. Murat-to whom I have given my sister! Murat-to whom I have given a throne! Eugene must be misinformed. It is impossible that Murat has declared himself against me.' It was, however, not only possible, but true. Gradually throwing aside the dissimulation beneath which he had concealed his designs, Murat seemed inclined to renew the policy of Italy during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, when the art of deceiving was deemed by the Italian governments the most sublime effort of genius. Without any declaration of war, he directed one of his

generals, who occupied Rome with 5000 men, tỏ assumé the supreme command in the Roman states, and to take possession of the country. General Miollis, who commanded the French troops in Rome, could only throw himself, with his handful of men, into the castle of Saint Angelo, the famous mole of Adrian, in which was long preserved the treasure of Sixtus V.; the French general soon found himself blockaded by the Neapolitan troops, who also blockaded Civita Vecchia and Ancona.

The treaty concluded between Murat and Austria, was definitively signed on the 11th of January, 1814. As soon as he was informed of it, the viceroy, certain that he should soon have to engage with the Neapolitans, was obliged to renounce the preservation of the line of the Adige, the Neapolitan army being in the rear of his right wing. He accordingly ordered a retrograde movement on the other side of the Mincio, where his army was cantoned. In this position, Prince Eugene, on the 8th of February, had to engage with the Austrians who had come up with him; and the victory of the Mincio arrested for some time the invasion of the Austrian army, and its junction with the Neapolitan troops. It was not until eight days after that Murat officially declared war against the emperor, and immediately several general and superior officers, and a great many French troops, abandoned his service, and repaired to the head-quarters of the viceroy. Murat did every thing he could to detain them; but they signified to him that, as he had declared war against France, no Frenchman who loved his country could continue in his service. The viceroy received an official communication from Napoleon's war minister, accompanied by an imperial decree, recalling all the French who were in the service of Joachim, and declaring that all who were taken with arms in their hands, should be tried by a court-martial as traitors to their country. On the 1st of February Eugene published a proclamation, calling on all true Frenchmen to quit the service of Murat, which, indeed, most of them had already done. Murat commenced by gaining advantages which it was impossible to dispute with him. His troops almost immediately took possession of Leghorn, and the citadel of Ancona, and the French were obliged to evacuate Tuscany.

I again turn to the affairs of France at the close of

1813, where the prospect was scarcely more cheering than on the other side of the Alps. The defection of Murat had destroyed one of Bonaparte's gigantic projects. This was, that Murat and Eugene, with their combined forces, should march on the rear of the Allies, whilst he, disputing the soil of France with the invaders, should multiply the obstacles to their advance. The King of Naples and the Viceroy of Italy were to march upon Vienna, and make Austria tremble in the heart of her capital, before the timid million of her allies, who measured their steps as they approached Paris, should pollute by their presence the capital of France. When informed of the vast project, which, however, was but the dream of a moment, I immediately recognised that eagle glance, that power of discovering great resources in great calamities, which is the true mark of superior genius, and which was so eminently conspicuous in Napoleon.

But all his resources were now exhausted-even victory, if dearly purchased, must have proved fatal to him; whilst in France new hopes and wishes had succeeded to those bright illusions which had attended his advance to the consular power. Now was he able fully to appreciate the wisdom of that advice which Josephine gave him- Bonaparte, I entreat you, do not make yourself a king!' Napoleon, it is true, was still emperor; but he, who had imposed on all Europe treaties of peace, scarce less disastrous than the wars which had preceded them, could not now obtain an armistice, and Caulincourt, who was sent to treat for one at the camp of the Allies, spent uselessly twenty days at Luneville, before he could obtain permission to pass the advanced posts of the invading army.

In the first fortnight of January, 1814, one-third of France was invaded, and it was proposed to form a new congress, to be held at Chatillon-sur-Seine. Napoleon's situation became daily worse and worse. He was advised to seek extraordinary resources in the interior of the empire, and was reminded of the fourteen armies which rose, as if by enchantment, to defend France at the commencement of the revolution.

At this time, the Jacobins were disposed to exert every effort to save him; but they required to have their own way, and to be allowed uninterruptedly to excite a re

volutionary feeling. The press, which groaned under a most odious and intolerable censorship, was to be wholly at their command. I do not state these facts from hearsay; I happened, by chance, to be present at two conferences, in which were set forward projects, infected with the odour of the clubs; and these projects were supported with the more assurance, because their success was regarded as certain. And yet the ill-omened counsellors of the emperor were well aware of his hatred of a free press, and his contempt for the popular authority! Though I had not seen Napoleon since my departure for Hamburg, yet I was sufficiently assured of his feeling towards the Jacobins, to be convinced that he would quickly turn from them with loathing and disgust. I was not wrong. Indignant at the price they demanded for their services, he exclaimed, This is too much! In battle I shall have a chance of deliverance; but I shall have none with these furious blockheads : there can be nothing in common between the demagogic principles of ninety-three, and the monarchy; between clubs of madmen and a regular ministry; between revolutionary tribunals and established laws. If my fall is decreed, I will not at least bequeath France to the revolutionists from whom I have delivered her.'

These were golden words; and Napoleon thought of a more noble and truly national mode of warding off the danger which threatened him. He ordered the enrolment of the national guard of Paris, which was intrusted to the command of Marshal Moncey. The emperor could not have made a better choice; but the staff of the national guard was a focus of hidden intrigues, in which the defence of Paris was less thought about than the means of taking advantage of Napoleon's overthrow. I was made a captain in this guard, and with the rest of the officers was summoned to the Tuileries on the 21st of January, when the emperor took leave of them, previous to his departure on the following day, to combat the invaders of his kingdom. We were introduced into the noble hall which I had so often trod whilst an inmate of the palace. Napoleon entered with the empress; he advanced with a dignified air, leading by the hand his son, not yet three years old. It was long since I had had so near a view of him. He had grown very corpulent, and I remarked on his pale countenance an