the attributes and character of the Messiah, and which, in addition to its other merits, is entitled to a further share of our gratitude as having supplied the Rabbi's namesake, Benjamin D'Israeli the younger, with the groundwork of his "Wondrous Tale of Alroy"-a tale wondrous, in sooth, in many respects, and not least from its having baffled the ingenuity of numerous readers, ourselves among the number, to decide whether it be written in prose or verse. Among the innumerable rebellions and convul

sions which preceded the fall of the Seljookian empire, the fate of this remarkable impostor seems to have been passed over unnoticed by the Moslem chroniclers; but the authenticity of Rabbi Benjamin's account, which till lately formed the principal authority for his ever having existed, has been confirmed, in all the main facts, by a MS. recently discovered in the Paris Library; and the tale, even when stripped of the poetical imagery with which it has been invested by the fancy of the modern author, is not without interest, as a singular specimen of Hebrew "romance of the middle ages." Hear it in the words, somewhat abridged, of Benjamin the Elder:

"About ten years ago," (from A.D. 1155 to 1160,) "there rose a man in the city of Amaria, named David-elRoi, (the seer,) who, being deeply versed not only in the Mosaic law and the Talmud, but also in the writings of the Ishmaelites, (Moslems,) and the books of the magicians, determined to rebel against the King of Persia, and to gather together the Jews who dwell in the mountains of Chaphton, that he might war with the Gentiles, and conquer Jerusalem. From the false miracles which he showed, some of the Jews believed on him, and called him Messiah; and the King of Persia, hearing these things, summoned him to his presence. He went without fear, and when he was asked, 'Art thou the king of the Jews?' he answered 'I am!' Whereupon the king commanded him to be cast into a prison, where those are put who are imprisoned

for life, on the banks of the KizilOzein. But three days after, while the king sat in council with his nobles and ministers, behold! David appeared among them; and when the king enquired of him, who hath set thee free?' he replied, 'My own wisdom; for I fear neither thee nor thy servants.' Then the king cried out and said, 'Seize him!' but his servants made answer, His voice is heard by us, but his bodily form we see not!' David then said, 'I now go my way!' and the king being greatly astonished, followed him to the banks of the river, with all his nobles and servants; and he spread his shawl on the water, and crossed the river thereon, having now made himself visible to all; and they pursued him in boats, but in vain-and the same day he travelled to Amaria, ten days' journey, by virtue of the Shem Hamphorash, and declared to the Jews what had befallen him. The king now sent to the Commander of the Faithful at Bagdad, desiring him that he should exhort the Prince of the Captivity to check the proceedings of David-el-Roi, and threatening that otherwise he would put to death all the Jews in his empire. The synagogues in Persia also sent letters to the Prince of the Captivity, saying, "Restrain this man, we beseech you, lest innocent blood be shed." Then the Prince of the Captivity and the rulers of the colleges wrote thus unto David : - " Be it known to thee, that we have not yet seen the signs by which it (our deliverance) shall manifest itself, (Ps. lxxiv. 9;) and that by strength shall no man prevail, (1 Sam. ii. 9.) We charge thee, therefore, to abstain from those ways in which thou hast walked, lest thou be cast out and cut off from all Israel." Nevertheless, David-el-Roi would not hearken to their words, till a certain prince of the Turks named Zeineddin, who was subject to the King of Persia, persuaded the father-in-law of David, by giving him ten thousand pieces of gold, so that he thrust David through the middle with a sword while he lay in his bed; and thus were his evil devices ended. Yet, so was not the wrath of the King of Persia quieted against the Jews, who dwelt in the mountains and in his country; till the Prince of the Captivity wrote letters, and the Jews presented petitions, with one hundred talents of gold, so that the king's anger was appeased."

The more romantic finale to the career of this remarkable adventurer, which has been adopted by Mr D'Israeli, is borrowed from the Shebet Jehuda (Rod of Judah) by Rabbi Solomon Ben Virga-" When David was asked by the king what proof he would give of his mission, he said, Cut off my head, and I shall still live!'* The king did so; and those who believed in this deceiver, still expect that he will fulfil his promise." Which version of his death may be correct, there is no other evidence to decide. Jewish chronicles, in general, avoid "wars and rumours of wars;" and the Arabic historians have not deigned to notice the effort for freedom made by one of the despised "sons of the captivity;" yet the name of the latest champion who essayed (albeit in vain) to rear the lion-banner of Judah, deserves to be rescued from the oblivion to which its other cotemporaries have consigned it.

The

The enquiries of Rabbi Benjamin respecting his scattered brethren in the remote regions of the East, appear to have been sufficiently extensive during his residence in Persia; as he gives the statistics and numbers of the Jewish population in most of the ports along the western coast of India, and even as far as the island of Khandi, or Ceylon, in which he says that no less than 23,000 of the dispersion were resident-an account remarkably confirmed by Edrisi, who states the importance of the Jews in the Ceylonese community to have been such, that four of the sixteen ministers of the king were constantly of that faith. His accounts of the manners and customs of these distant countries have been much cavilled at by sundry of his critics, who were misled by the

error of translation above noticed, in supposing these hearsay notes to be intended for the results of personal observation. His statements, however, when fairly examined, contain more than the average proportion of accuracy usually found in the rambling accounts brought home by travellers of that age; and he has the merit of being the first European who mentions the empire of China-though his account of the sea of Nikpha, and the rocs or griffins there found, partakes rather strongly of the marvellous; he does not, however, profess, like Ebn Batuta, ever to have seen one of those giant birds, of the existence of which he appears to entertain no doubt.

The route of the Rabbi from Bagdad on his return to the west, lay through Ormus, and along the Arabian coasts, to the port of Assuan, or Syene, and thence down the Nile into Egypt; his description of which country is almost the only part of the concluding portion of his narrative requiring any particular notice. The time of his visit is fixed as antecedent to 1171, the period of the extinction of the Fatimite dynasty of caliphs, by his mention of the people of the country as "rebels (or Sheahs) who obey the Commander of the Faithful of the sect of Ali Ebn Abu-Taleb, and rebel against the Abbasside caliph who resides at Bagdad, so that there is perpetual hatred between them." Like his more orthodox rival, the Fatimite caliph was seen in public only on the high festivals of Islam, and when the inundation of the Nile attained its height-remaining secluded at all other times in the palace or citadel of Cairo, to which Benjamin applies the Hebrew name of Zoan. The Jews in Egypt appear not to have acknowledged the supremacy of the Prince of the Captivity; their rabbis and ministers being nominated by an independent primate, resident in Cairo, who bore the title of lord of lords. In addition to the ordinary antiquities, we are informed that the granaries of Joseph were still to be traced among the ruins of the old city; "and in the outskirts is the very ancient synagogue of our great master, Moses, on whom be peace!" Of the commerce and magnificence of Alexandria, where he found 3000 Jews, he gives a detailed account; including among the wonders of the city, the magical mirror which formerly adorned the Pharos, and gave warning to the citizens of the approach of a hostile fleet; he is not, however, justly chargeable with being the author of this fiction, which is found in several Arabic writers. From Damietta he embarked for Sicily; and thence traversing Italy and crossing the Alps, finally regained his Spanish home.

In the foregoing summary of Benjamin's wanderings, we have principally kept in view that which appears to have been his own main object, the giving a general sketch of the condition of the Jews at the period when he travelled. In Europe, though the crusading spirit had occasionally been perverted into furious persecutions against them, their treatment was marked by far less of contumelious severity than soon afterwards became the case. They were even allowed in France to hold land, and exercise the ordinary rights of citizenship; the protection of the Pope secured them extensive privileges in Italy;

and the Greek empire appears to have been almost the only part of Christendom where the name of Jew was necessarily a byeword of reproach and insult. In Persia, they paid, like all other rayars, the kheraj, or capitationtax, "which amounts there, as well as in all Mohammedan countries, to one amiri, equal to one maravedi and a third, (or about three shillings,) for each male of the age of fifteen and upwards." But, in other respects, they were apparently little molested by the Moslems; their Princes of the Captivity were protected by the beneficent policy of the caliphs; and it was not till the following century that the undying hatred with which they are now regarded by the Persians was awakened, by the arrogance and op. pressive measures of the Jewish ministers, who were raised to power by the Mogul successors of Hulaku, the captor of Bagdad. But, as a picture of the Jews in the middle ages, when the cup of bondage, though sufficiently bitter, was not yet poured out upon them to the uttermost dregs, the work of Benjamin is unique and invaluable; and in the concluding words of the Hebrew preface, "his statements will be found on enquiry to be true and correct; for he was a veracious man." In the year 1824, I arrived at St Petersburg, with the intention of establishing myself as a fencing-master in that capital. Introductions from distinguished individuals in Paris enabled me to make a friend of Count Alexis W.; and that young nobleman was good enough to interest himself warmly in my success. Not content with procuring me several pupils, himself included, he urged me to petition the Emperor for the appointment of fencing-master to a regiment, and offered to give me a letter of recommendation to an aide-de-camp of the Czarewitsch Constantine, who was then at the Castle of Strelna, near St Petersburg.

" If his imperial highness," added the Count, " will write a line in your favour at the end of the petition, you will have an excellent chance of obtaining what you desire. Present yourself boldly, flatter his military pride, and try to gain his good word by the frank and soldierly deportment which has done more for you, with myself and others, than any letters of

recommendation."

The morning after receiving this advice, I hired a droschki, and set out for Strelna, taking with me a letter to General Rodna, aide-de-camp of the Czarewitsch; also my petition to the Emperor, which had been drawn up in due form. After driving a couple of hours along a good road, bordered on the left by country mansions and parks, and on the right by plains extending to the Gulf of Finland, I reached the convent of St Sergius, the saint most venerated in Russia after St Alexander Nieuski. Ten minutes afterwards I arrived at the castle, and, after some parley with the sentry, obtained admittance. Some officers, who were lounging about, informed me that the General was occupied with the Czarewitsch. One of them, however, took in my letter, and desired me to wait in a saloon which looked out on a magnificent garden. The same officer speedily returned, and ushered me into the apartments of the Emperor's brother. In one of these, I discovered tanding with his back to a large fire, and distinguished by the most uncouth and forbidding counte

nance I ever beheld. Between a pair of prominent cheek-bones that would have graced a Calmuck Tartar, appeared what, in France, we term a nose écrasé, with a pair of upturned nostrils-the combined effect of which gave the owner a strong resemblance to a large monkey; nor am I sure whether, in such a comparison, the disadvantage would not have been on the side of the animal. The eyes of the Grandduke (for he it was) were remarkable for their restlessness. They were small, deep-set, and of a colour which it would be difficult to define. His complexion was a deep unvarying red. The frogs and loops which fastened his dark-green frock across his breast, nearly disappeared beneath a profusion of crosses, decorations, and ribbons of every colour of the rainbow. He was tapping his boot with his riding-whip, and the undried splashes of mud on his pantaloons indicated that he had but recently returned from a ride or a review. At a table near him was seated General Rodna, pen in hand, and apparently writing under his master's dictation.

Not expecting so prompt an introduction, I stopped short on entering the room. The door was scarcely closed when the Czarewitsch, projecting his head without moving his body, and fixing me with his piercing eyes, abruptly enquired,

"What countryman?"
"French, your highness."
"Age?"
"Six-ar

Six-and-twenty."

"Name?"

"G-."

"You want to be fencing-master to

a regiment?"

"May it please your highness, such is the object of my ambition."

"Are you a first-rate swordsman?"

"I have fenced in public since my arrival in St Petersburg, and your highness can easily ascertain the opinion of those who were present."

"I heard of you, but you had only second-rate fencers to contend with." "Which gave them a just claim upon my forbearance, your highness."

"Forbearance?" he repeated, with flashing eyes and a somewhat scornful curve of the lips; "but if less considerate, what then?"

"I should have buttoned them ten times for every twice they touched me, your highness."

"Ha! and could you do that with me?"

"That might depend on how your imperial highness might wish to be treated. If as a prince, it is probable your highness would touch me ten times, and be touched twice. But if your highness wished to be treated like any other person, the ten hits would probably be achieved by me, and the two by your highness."

"Lubenski!" cried the Czarewitsch, rubbing his hands; "Lubenski! bring the foils! We shall see, Sir Braggart!"

" Is it possible your highness would condescend"

"My highness orders you to touch me ten times, if you can. Do you want to back out already? Now, take this foil and mask. Guard!"

"Is it your highness's absolute command?" "Yes! yes! a thousand times yes!" "I am ready."

"Ten times!" repeated the Czarewitsch as he attacked me,-"ten times, mind you! less won't do. Ha! ha!" Notwithstanding all this encouragement, I kept on the defensive, contenting myself with parrying his thrusts without returning them.

"Now then!" cried he, somewhat angrily - "What are you about? You are not doing your best. Why don't you thrust?"

"Your highness! the respect--" "Curse your respect, sir! Thrust! thrust!"

Observing, through his mask, that his cheeks were flushed and his eyes bloodshot, I took advantage of the permission granted with such evident sincerity, and touched him three times running.

"Bravo!" cried he. " My turn now. Ha! a hit! a hit!" He had touched me. I then touched him four times in rapid succession, and was touched once.

"Hurrah!" cried he, quite delighted, and stamping with his foot. "Rodna! did you see that? Twice to his seven."

"Twice to ten, your highness!" replied I, pressing him hard. "Eight -nine-ten! Now we are quits."

"Good! good!" cried the Czarewitsch approvingly - "Very good! but that's not all. The small-swordnot enough-no use to the cavalryWant the sabre. Now could you defendyourself, on foot, against a mounted lancer? Parry a lance-thrust? Eh?"

"I think I could, your highness!" "Think so! Not sure-eh?"

"Pardon me, your highness, I have no doubt of it."

"Lubenski! Lubenski!" again shouted the Czarewitsch. The officer appeared

"A lance and a horse! a horse! a lance! Sacre! Quick! quick!"

"But your highness" - I interposed

"Ha! vous avez peur?"

"I am not afraid; but, with your highness, I should experience equal reluctance to be the victor or the van. quished."

"All nonsense and flattery! First trial was capital. Now for the second!"

At this moment the officer appeared before the windows, leading a horse, and bearing a lance in his hand.

"Now, then!" exclaimed Constantine, as he darted out of the room, and made me a sign to follow him. "Give him a good sabre, Lubenski; and now, Sir Fencing-Master, mind yourself, or you'll be spitted like one of the toads in my summer-house. The last lived three days, Rodna, with a nail through his belly.'

So saying, Constantine sprang upon his horse, which was of the true Tartar breed, with a tail that swept the ground, and a mane like a hurricane. With remarkable skill, he put the animal through the most difficult evolutions, at the same time executing sundry parries and thrusts with his lance.

"All ready?" cried the Czarewitsch, coming up to me.

"Ready, your highness," I replied; and he, setting spurs to his horse, galloped off to the further end of the avenue.

"Surely all this is a joke?" said I to General Rodna.

"By no means!" was the reply. "You will either lose your life, or gain your appointment. Defend yourself as if you were on a battle-field."

I now saw that matters were taking a more serious turn than I had alto