impudence, or recklessness of money, or some other commanding personal qualification, has induced them to proclaim their candidature, and left no choice to the constituency but to elect them, or leave them to be returned by such as they have succeeded in befooling. In such a state of things, gentlemen, the franchise is no franchise at all. It is a most gratifying assurance which you give, gentlemen, that in your opinion the franchise and the ballot are not the two all-sufficient securities of your political privileges. What is the use of a vote, and the manner in which you vote, if you are limited in your choice to men who have thrust themselves forward, to the exclusion of their betters, for the honour of representing you? Quite right, gentlemen, you have placed your finger on the weak point in our representative system. The larger the borough now, the greater the danger of its being pocketed, not by some territorial aristocrat, but by some intrusive upstart whom nobody knows, or in the least cares to know.

The House of Commons, gentlemen, in an enlightened and free country like this of the

three kingdoms, ought to be a representative House. Are we likely to have a representative House in the present state of things? We fear not, if by representation is meant the reflection in the national assembly of the best intelligence and culture, the highest social refinement, the greatest political sagacity, and the noblest sentiments of patriotism to be found in the country. In this competitive and enterprising age there are so many adventurers abroad, social speculatores, lookers-out for good chances, who say in their secret hearts, Get place and wealth,-if possible, with grace; If not, by any means get wealth and place;

that society is necessarily thrown into a defensive attitude to protect itself from a threatened demoralization. Most properly, gentlemen, do you deprecate the calamity of incompetency and vulgarity obtruding themselves into the seats of senatorial dignity and power merely to gratify personal vanity, and that ignorance may ventilate its stupidity, and rudeness betray its offensive parts to the shame and reproach of the nation. No one can desire the weakest

and worst parts of our national character to be represented in the national assembly of the realm. Ignorance, impudence, and vanity, are not qualities of which we are proud, and we are acquainted with no theory of representative government which demands that these, and kindred elements of character, shall be reflected in the legislature of the land. You quite approve, we observe, these observations, and we shall therefore proceed to make a few suggestions, which may meet the present exigency if generally acted upon throughout the country.

In the first place, let it be regarded as a social and political offence for any man to offer himself as a candidate for a seat in Parliament.

If any man shall so offend, let him be at once and for ever disqualified by that very act. Let a man's candidature depend on his Public Nomination. The nomination might be conducted in some such way as the following:-Any elector who may wish to propose a candidate shall wait on some duly authorized officer in the municipality, borough, or county, and swear that to the best of his belief his nominee is a fit and proper person to repre

sent the constituency. The names and addresses of the candidates and their proposers shall then be printed and placarded in suitable public places. Such candidates as may assent to their nomination shall then be published as such. No political agents shall be employed, no committees formed in the interest of particular candidates, no personal or other canvass shall be permitted, and all expenses of the election shall be borne by the constituencies.

Since all public appointments are in these times competitive, and special examinations must now be passed as preliminary conditions of filling civil offices, we suggest that such important functions as those of an M.P. shall be undertaken by no one who has not previously passed a satisfactory examination in the following subjects before a board of examiners selected from the three English Universities:

1. The Constitutional History of England from the close of the 15th century to the present time.

2. Political Economy.

3. The Literary and Political History of Europe during the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries.

This examination shall be preliminary, and only such of the nominees as pass shall be allowed to proceed to the poll. The votes shall be taken by ballot.

Before proceeding to election let each candidate be required to publish a manifesto of his political opinions, to be sworn to as composed by himself, and let him be required to make at least one speech in every ward or district of the constituency of at least thirty minutes' duration, and answer viva-voce questions.

We are far from presuming, gentlemen, that these are the best practical suggestions that can be offered, but we think them worthy of being entertained. And we do so for the following reasons:

First, men will be chosen for senatorial distinction by the public estimation of their fitness and worth. The whole tribe of vain, ambitious folk would thus be effectually excluded from thrusting themselves into an honourable position of public trust. We should hear no more fustian about working-men's candidates and invidious class distinctions in the grand consideration of national representation.