however depressed on every side, still cherished hopes of emerging from its difficulties. As such a frame of mind naturally impels to exertion, they were incessantly employed in devising means how to extricate themselves from degradation; but the watchfulness of their antagonists, and the severity that was dreaded from them, were such obstacles as nocommon efforts could overcome. The attachment to the King's person and family rendered the royalists extremely averse to engaging in any measures that might endanger his safety. They knew the length to which popular fury might be carried, and were for that reason very fearful to provoke it. Still, however, it was be coming daily a measure of great propriety, in their opinion, to make some attempt in his favour. The good-will of the Emperor, and of the German princes on the frontiers of France was unquestionable, as well as their readiness to befriend him on a fit occasion; but while he remained in the possession of the popular party, all endeavours to serve him effectually appeared fruitless. In these circumstances a project was formed which promised, in case of execution, to answer every purpose that was proposed. The ground of this project was formed on a belief that, notwithstanding appearances, the generality of the nation wished for a restoration of the royal authority, and would co-operate in bringing it about, were a favourable opportunity to occur. Under this conviction the most zealous and active of the King's friends determined to employ their utmost dexterity, in order, if possible, to procure his escape from the Thuilleries and

Paris. This, according to all appearances, was an arduous enterprize. Though the King was treated with every shew of respect, he was accompanied by a national guard, amounting to nearly the same number as the Swiss guards; but, on the other hand, it is to be taken into the account, that many of the national guards, as well as the whole of the Swiss, were strongly in his interest. A suspicion having arisen that such a design was in agitation, every precaution was employed to prevent it. Two cen tries stood at his chamber-door, others on the adjoining stair-case, and many were stationed in the contiguous apartments: but, in spite of those various obstructions, the King and Queen, with their son and daughter, found means to escape with the greatest secrecy from the Thuilleries, in the night, between Monday and Tuesday, the

21st of June.

His departure was not known till eight hours after it had taken place. As soon as it was divulged, it filled all Paris with consternation. The distance he must have gained in such a space of time, left no hope of overtaking him, unless he were obstructed in his flight by some unforeseen accident; and nothing remained to prevent the complete execution of his design. Suspicions arose on every person that could possibly have had a hand in the King's escape, or connived at it. What confirmed them, was the disappearance of near fifty individuals, known to have possessed his good graces. Even M. La Fayette was mistrusted on this occasion, and, together with M. Montmorin, the most popular man in the ministry, and several other persons of con

sequence,

sequence, were arrested by the people of Paris, and placed under a guard. La Fayette and his companions in confinement, owed their salvation, from popular fury, to Alexander Lameth and his friends; at whose earnest remonstrances it was that the National Assembly interfered for their liberation.

The first measure adopted by this body was, to order that all people should take up arms for the purpose of repelling the attempts that might have been in preparation by the King's party; who, though weak in their numbers, were zealous in his cause, and ready to run all risks in its support. The King had left particular directions that no use should be made of the seals of office till his farther commands. But the Assembly decreed, that the King having absented himself, the business of the nation ought nevertheless to proceed; for which reason the seals of the state should, in virtue of their authority as representatives of the nation, be affixed as usual to their decrees by the chief minister. As no doubt was entertained that hostile measures had been concerted between the King and his partizans awaiting him, on the frontiers of the kingdom, the city of Paris judged it necessary solemnly to renew its assurances of loyalty and attachment to the Assembly, and its determination to act with firmness in defence of the common cause. This was done as a precedent to the other cities and departments.

In the mean time the King used the utmost expedition, and arrived the next day, at noon, at St. Mene

houd, a place in Champagne, distant from Paris near one hundred and sixty miles: but here, while changing horses, he was recognized by the post-master, who, not being provided with the means of stopping him on the spot, dissembled his knowledge of the King, and sent his son, with the utmost speed, to the next town; where, on disclosing the motive of his coming, he was immediately joined by a number of the national guards, who overpowered some troops that were come to the King's assistance; upon which he was obliged to surrender. The place where he was seized in this manner was Varennes, a town within six leagues of the borders of France, toward Luxemburgh. It was through mere accident, as at first apprehended, that he failed in his enterprize, when he had almost effected it. The person chiefly concerned in the planning and management of this undertaking was the celebrated M. Bouillé ;* an officer of high character in his profession, and at this time commandant at Metz. He had arranged matters with so much dexterity, that if the King could have passed Varennes, he would have been safe.

The intelligence of the King's recapture was equally acceptable and unexpected in Paris. Three members of the National Assembly were forthwith commissioned to wait on the King, and to conduct him to Paris in safety. He was attended on his return by numerous bodies of the national guards, who gathered from all quarters to prevent a rescue; it having been intimated that several regiments

had

had been prevailed on by their officers to march with all speed to his assistance; but this intelligence proved groundless; and was circulated, in the opinion of many, with no other view than to make trial of the disposition of the people. If this was the design, the National Assembly had every motive to be satisfied. In every place through which the King passed, he had the mortification to see that the ancient veneration of the French for their kings was totally obliterated not an arm was lifted in his defence, nor a voice heard in his favour.

The Count of Provence, the King's next brother, and the companion of his flight; the Count D'Avary, a French colonel, and an officer of his household, were more successful, and arrived safely at Brussels, where they met with the most respectful reception from the Austrian government. But the failure of the King's escape defeated all that had been premeditated, as the absence of his person was considered as a counterpoise that would frustrate whatever might be attempted in his favour.

The chief cause of the mistrust and hatred against the King, was the persuasion that he intended to have fled to Mentz, in Germany, and there held his court and erected his standard. Hence, after collecting all the force he could have mustered, he was to have invaded France. This report gathered weight, from the arrival at that city of the Count D'Artois and the Prince of Condé, with their families. But the circumstance which aggravated the whole, and which was industriously circulated, was,

that M. de Calonne was to be reinstated in all his honours, and appointed prime minister to the King.

In the mean time the public was taken up with a variety of investigations, how it had been practicable to compass an object of so much difficulty and danger to all parties concerned, as the King's withdrawing himself from the many persons to whom the custody of his person had been committed; for it appeared highly improbable to have been effected without treachery. People in general expressed the most violent dissatisfaction with those whom they considered as having, through remissness in their charge, afforded encouragement to such an attempt.

It was the universal belief of the popular party, that this undertaking had been long in agitation; and that all the royalists in the kingdom had been duly forewarned to be ready to take up arms, and embody themselves under their leaders at the time it happened. Hence a watchful eye was kept upon those who were known or suspected to be wellwishers to the royal cause. Several officers and soldiers in the regular troops having deserted over to the imperial territories on this occasion, it was apprehended that many others were no less disaffected, and willing to follow the royal standard. Surmises of this kind were widely spread, and filled the kingdom with mistrust and terror.

The popular clamour now was, that as the King evidently endeavoured to leave the kingdom with an intention to invade it at the head of an armed force, in order to restore the former government, he was no longer deserving the

crown,

crown, and ought, therefore, to be deposed. Herein most people seemed earnestly to concur. The Dauphin was mentioned as inheritor of the crown under a regency, till arrived at the years of maturity; but the National Assembly was too circumspectful to countenance this idea. On the King's return to Paris, it was resolved, after a long consultation, that he should be replaced under the attendance of the national guard; the Queen and the Dauphin to be separately guarded; and a tutor appointed to the latter by the Assembly: all those who attended the royal family in their evasion, to be imprisoned and interrogated: the King and Queen themselves to give their declarations in writing. No person that fell under the least suspicion of being privy to the King's escape, was exempted from the strictest examination. M. Montmorin, who had long enjoyed the royal favour, was particularly suspected of having assisted him. The passport, produced by the King on his journey, was countersigned by this minister; but the fact, as M. Montmorin stated it, was, that he had been applied to for a passport by the Russian ambassador, for a lady of his country going to Germany with her two children, a female attendant, and four men-servants. This passport was delivered to the Queen, who assumed that lady's name: the king and his three attendants assuming the appearance of the others.

Among other persons who were accused of being in the King's secret, the behaviour of M. Bonnay

merits to be recorded. This gen tleman had been one of his body. guards, and was noted for his intrepidity. On his examination before the Assembly, after denying the charge, and assuring them, that if the King had asked his advice he would have endeavoured to dissuade him from uitting Paris,he resolutely added, that had the King required his attendance on this occasion, he would have followed and protected him till laid dead at his feet.

After going through several interrogatories, it was determined to wait on the King, and receive his deposition. This was a transaction of the most extraordinary nature. Europe had not witnessed such a scene since the days of Charles the First of England. But the French boldly quoted the precedent; and their conversations were filled with what the English had done in the tempestuous periods of their history. A deputation of three members waited on the King accordingly. He felt his dignity, and supported it with becoming spirit. After protesting against answering any formal questions, he was willing, he said, for their satisfaction, to make known to them the motives that had prompted him to act as he had done. He then laid before them the treatment he had received on the 18th of April preceding, on his departure for St. Cloud, together with the insulting publication against his person and family; none of which had met with animadversion or restraint. Such usage had provoked him to quit Paris.* His intention,

he

he asserted, was, not to leave the kingdom, but to repair to Montme dy, a fortified town on the frontiers, where his personal liberty would be secure, and his public conduct under no restraint; and where he could, therefore, have transacted business, together with the Assembly, without the appearance or the imputation of compulsion. He did not object, he said, to the principles of the constitution, but only to the denial of freedom in the exercise of the power assigned to him. He acknowledged himself convinced, by what he had seen, that the public opinion was decisively for the present constitution: a circumstance he could only have discovered by what had happened; and this conviction would induce him to co-operate in its support. He concluded, by assuring them that he was ready to forget all the disagreeable circumstances that had occurred, in order to restore public tranquillity. Such was the general purport of the King's declaration.

That which was made by the Queen, contained chiefly her determination to accompany the King on his quitting Paris, from natural motives of attachment, and from her persuasion that he did not mean to leave the kingdom. Had such been his intention, she would strenuously have opposed it.

These depositions did not appear satisfactory to the Assembly; and many would have proceeded to a stricter examination of their contents: but the less violent were desirous to postpone a debate, which, in the present temper of numbers, would probably have produced much heat and animosity; and after a warm contest, their opinion preponderated and put an end

to this long and important session. Never indeed had the Assembly protracted any sitting to such a length since its first meeting. It began early on the morning of the twenty-first of June, and lasted till the afternoon of the twentysixth. The solicitude of the members to provide against all the ac cidents and dangers that were dreaded, was such, that they had resolved not to adjourn until they had terminated the great business before them. They continued accordingly to relieve each other, taking rest and refreshment by turns.

During these interesting transactions, a species of manifesto, drawn up in behalf of the King, and left by him on his departure, had been presented to the National Assembly, and now deeply excited the attention of all parties. It contained an apology for his present conduct, and laid open to the nation his sentiments upon its situation. The substance of it was as follows:-He explicitly accused the popular party of adopting every measure that could become instrumental in the subversion of monarchy, and produce disorder and confusion in the state. He protested against all the decrees he had sanctioned while under constraint; he recapitulated the inconveniences he had suffered in fixing his residence at Paris, in compliance with the wishes of the inhabitants; the dismission of his body guards, and the substitution in their room of the Parisian military, who were forced upon him, and of whom he was refused the command. He complained of the injurious misrepresentations of the Queen's character, and the unjust insinuations

against