ties, and arrangement of boroughs. With a perfect indifference for my own personal success, I give you this opportunity of commencing that lesson to those in administration, which it is high time they were taught. The fair and honourable expences of an election (and of a petition too, if necessary) I will bear with cheerfulness. And if by your spirited exertions to do yourselves right (of which I entertain no doubt) I should be seated as your representative; whenever you shall think you have found some other person, likely to perform the duties of that station more honestly and usefully to the country, it shall without hesitation be resigned by me, with much greater pleasure than it is now solicited." The number of voters in favour of Mr. Tooke, though unsuccess ful on the conclusion of the poll, appeared to bear so great a proportion to that of any of the other two candidates, that Mr. Tooke thought himself justified in an address of thanks to the electors, to congratulate them on the spirit of independence and liberty that yet remained in the city of Westminster. While the election in England ran greatly in favour of the ministerial party, those in Scotland were pretty nearly divided between that party and the members in opposition to government. In this part of the united kingdom of Great Britain, public spirit, like vegetation in a fresh soil, seemed to glow with the greatest warmth. It is a truth not to be controverted, that the Scottish nation was anciently free, and that its spirit in former times was high and independent. From the period of the union of the British crowns to that of the legislatures, it degenerated from that manly character. The sense of its national importance was miserably impaired:...it even discovered a proneness to submission and dependence! The Scots in general were disposed to listen, with an abject pliability, to the few persons who had the favour of the servants of the crown. To dispute their will, or to oppose their purposes, was accounted a folly, if not a crime. And as the mass of the people were of little or no account in the framing of laws, so neither could they depend, in all cases, on strict justice in their execution. The court of session, in what they denominated their nobile officium*, affected and exercised a power superior to authorities, and superior to statutes. The privy council exercised inquisitorial powers even to the length of torture. No business could be brought into parliament that was not first prepared by the Lords of the Articles, always under the influence of the crown. The property, and even the lives of the country-people, were, in a great measure, at the mercy of the territorial Lords or Barons. The ex The union with England did not communicate the spirit of freedom, industry, and animated and generous exertion all at once. tension of roads through the mountains, morasses, rivers, glens, and chasms of the highlands, and the abolition of the courts of regality, or hereditary jurisdiction, boons that * The power of deciding, like a jury, according to their own convictions and sentiments. that were pressed by the English government on the Scottish nation not a little against its will, prepared the way for the reign of liberty, the spirit of enterprize, and the introduction of general improvement. The military genius of the Scots was called into exertion by the magnanimity and wisdom of the great Mr. Pitt, with brilliant success. The share they had in a glorious war, roused them to exertions in commerce, arts, and the investigation of science. The ancient dress ofthe Highlanders was now restored: the forfeited estates were given back to their natural The late Lord Chatham. a heirs large sums of money were granted by parliament for the construction of useful works and the encouragement of industry: committee of parliament was appointed for the improvement of the grand and natural fund of wealth in Scotland, the fisheries: the wisest and most salutary acts for that important end, passed by the legislature +: liberal subscriptions of individuals both in England and Scotland for the same purpose, were happily committed to the direction of men of abilities, honour, and patriotic virtue: enlarged and liberal, yet prudent and economical plans For the institution of the society for extending the fisheries and improving the sea-coasts of Britain, the public is indebted to the enlarged views and the patriotic zeal of George Dempster, esq. representative of a district of Scotch burghs in seven successive parliaments; during which period he maintained the most uniform, and noble consistency and propriety of conduct. Disregarding and even rejecting the offers of personal advantages, he kept a steady eye on what he conceived to be the public good; and this he constantly pursued, "with firm but pliant virtue ;" yielding some points, in order to gain others. Though oftener found in the ranks of opposition than in the train of the ministry, he never opposed, and was never ac, cused or suspected of opposing government from any factious, or otherwise unworthy motives. No man was more forward than Mr. Dempster to applaud the measures of administration when they appeared to deserve applause, or to strengthen their hands when they seemed to be well employed. It appears by the accounts that we have of the debates in the House of Commons, that immediately after the close of the late ruinous war, Mr. D. in a review of the state of the nation, proposed various expedients for restoring and improving our finances. He was the first who suggested the idea in the House of Commons, of appropriating 1,000,0007. a year towards the reduction of the National debt. He recommended a review of our revenue-laws, and the adoption of a system less burthensome to commerce and troublesome to our traders; and called the attention of the nation to the state of our British fisheries. The ministers suffered a committee to be named to inquire into this last source of national wealth. To that committee it appeared that the best way of improving the fisheries, was to encourage the inhabitants living nearest the best fishing stations to become fishers; and, as it was found that the northwestern coast of Scotland, though abounding with fish and with fine harbours, was utterly destitute of towns where people might have permanent abodes, and be freed from tyranny, and independent on the caprices of Lords, and Lairds, a society was formed under the auspices of that committee for buying lands, and planting towns in those parts. The act of parliament incorporating the society states "that the building of free towns, villages, harbours, quays, piers and fishing-stations in the Highlands and Islands of north Britain, will greatly contribute to the improvement of fisheries, agriculture, manufactures, and other useful objects of industry in plans for the improvement of the northen fisheries were adopted; and these plans were pursued with ardour and every appearance that could justify a hope of success: frequent appeals had been made to the House of Peers, and not in vain, against elections being carried by nominal and fictitious votes *: a convention of delegates from the royal burghs persevered, though with due moderation, in reclaiming to the burghers their ancient rights, in opposition to various usurpations of self-elected magistrates: a meeting of landholders, as well as of inhabitants of towns, was held by regular adjournments, for the purpose of obtaining an equal representation in parliament; and the effect of all these causes was heightened by the revolution in France, not yet an object of aversion and horror. In a word there had not been any period in the history of Scotland, since the Union, when so many circumstances concurred to stimulate the genius, and awaken in all ranks an attention to the affairs of the nation. The general elections in Scotland in 1790, were materially influenced by this fermentation in the public mind. A greater opposition than ever was known in this part of the country, was made to the court candidates, and also to the vast and unbounded influence of the great landed proprietors. С НА Р. in that part of the kingdom, in which the dispersed situation of the inhabitants had hitherto proved a great impediment to their active exertions; and that their being collected into fishing-towns and villages, would be the means of forming a nursery of hardy seamen for his Majesty's navy, and the defence of the kingdom." Mr. Dempster was not more distinguished by the incorruptable integrity of his public conduct than the suavity of his manners, and the benevolence of the whole of his deportment and conduct in the intercourses of private life. And it was by the excellence of his moral character that he was enabled, though not devoted to any party, to render a very great number of services to individuals, as well as some of no small importance to the public. He possessed good sense and general knowledge; and expressed his sentiments in an easy, fluent, modest, and gentleman-like manner. But in respect of talents and accomplishments, he had in the British senate many equals, and some superiors. To what cause then was it owing, that he was always heard with singular and almost unrivalled attention? The expression of his countenance and the tone of his voice announced the sincerity and sensibility of his heart. His character gave weight to his opinions, and credit to his professions. Professors of Rhetoric, by the example of Mr. Dempster may illustrate the connection between eloquence and virtue. The dawn and rising of the French Revolution were auspicious, and hailed by Mr. Dempster, with many others, with sentiments of humane congratulation. The event proved how erroneously they judged of the moral advancement of society and the principles and passions of human nature. But had a decided majority in the national councils of Great Britain and France entertained the same sentiments and views with Mr. Dempster, it might have been possible for the two nations to have lived in peace, good neighbourhood, and mutual good-will; and instead of war to have entered on a career of virtuous emulation. * By the creation of nominal and fictitious votes, a great predominancy of political power in Scotland has been usurped by the great families of the nobility possessing extensive landed property; while the consequence of the lesser freeholders and gentry in the middle ranks of life, has been proportionably diminished. A new Parliament. Speech from the Throne. Various observations thereon. Motion for the Papers relating to the Affair at Nootka Sound in both Houses. Negatived Motion for an Address to his Majesty on the Spanish Convention in both Houses. Debates thereon. Motion carried. Plan for defraying the Expences of the Spanish Armament. Impeachment of Mr. Hastings not abated by a Dissolution of Parliament. Petition of Mr. Hastings, and Motions in Parliament for continuing the Session until his Trial should be brought to a Conclusion. That complied with. War in India. Motions in Parliament for the Production of Papers relative to the Attack of Tippoo Sultan on the Lines of Travancore. Agreed to. Motions for censuring the War with Tippoo. Negatived. Resolutions approving the War. Agreed to. Motion for leave to bring a Bill into the House of Commons for the Abolition of the Slave Trade. Negatived. A Bill passed for the Relief of the Protesting Catholics. Motion for the Relief of the Scots from the Test Act. Negatived. A NEW British parliament met on the 25th of November, 1790, when Mr. Addington was again chosen Speaker of the Commons, with the unanimous approbation of the whole House. On the 26th, his Majesty opened the session, by a speech from the throne; in which he expressed great satisfactoin in informing the parliament that the differences which had arisen between him and the court of Spain had been brought to an amicable termination. After a declaration of the objects which he had in view in that transaction, he acquainted them that a foundation had been laid for a pacification between Austria and the Porte, and that he, in conjunction with his allies, was now employing his mediation for the purpose of negociating a definitive treaty between those powers, and of endeavouring to put an end to the dissentions in the Netherlands. From Europe, and the relations of Britain with the European nations, his Majesty passed to the distant dependencies of the British empire. He lamented the interruption that had taken place in the tranquillity of our Indian possessions; but informed them that there was a favourable prospect of the contest there being brought to a speedy and successful conclusion. And he particularly called their attention to the state of the province of Quebec, and recommended it to them to consider of such regulations as the present circumstances and situation of the province might seem to require. On the usual motion for an address, which was made by Mr. Mainwaring Mainwaring, and seconded by Mr. Carew, Mr. Fox, disclaiming any intention to oppose, could not adopt the principles, nor give his sanction to all the collateral observations advanced by the honourable gentlemen who supported the address. He proceeded to consider the object first notified in his Majesty's speech, the Spanish convention:He agreed in opinion with Mr. Mainwaring, that the convention was not a fit matter for consideration on that day, as the papers relating thereto were not yet laid before the House. He declared, however, that, in his opinion, peace was preferable to war, under almost any circumstances, and most especially desirable for this country in the present moment. He next of course, adverted to what had been said on the subject of the Austrian Netherlands-It had been stated, that it was good policy in this country to promote the return of the Netherlands to the dominion of the House of Austria, in order to prevent them from falling into the hands of another power, likely to prove dangerously inimical to this country. He conceived that the power alluded to must be France. But how had France so suddenly become a greater object of terror to us now than at any other period? The interference of the French nation, for obvious reasons, in the present conjuncture, was very little to be dreaded. With regard to the affairs of Europe in general, the interests of different powers had taken so new and singular a turn, that it was the undoubted duty of his Majesty's ministers not to overlook this circumstance, but to convert it to the public good. If ever there was a period when this country might pick and chuse her allies, it was the present. She had nothing to do but to ascertain what number of foreign allies it was absolutely necessary that we should have, and then proceed immediately to form such alliances, and on such conditions, as to their best judgment should appear adviseable. As to India, no more was intended than to defend our ally when attacked: this line of conduct would meet with his hearty approbation. But if, under the pretext of a quarrel between two native princes, our object was to obtain for ourselves new territorial acquisitions, he should enter his determined protest against the injustice of such proceedings. Mr. Pitt admitted, that to vote for the address did not imply an approbation of the convention with Spain. On the subject of foreign alliances, he said, his Majesty's ministers were neither so idle nor so inattentive to their duty as to overlook any favourable opportu. nities that might occur for the improvement of former, or the promotion of new treaties. As to the affairs of India, he did not determine it either just or prudent to make war for the purpose of extending territory; but contended that, in case of a fortunate termination of the war, we should have a right to demand a reasonable indemnification for ourselves, and an adequate compensation for our injured ally. On the 3rd of December, copies of the declaration and counterdeclaration, exchanged at Madrid, July 24th, 1790; and of the convention with Spain, signed the 28th of |
