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were in fact left at liberty to take up whomsoever they pleased. Many disorders and much violence was committed. The prisons were filled with unhappy persons, who were cut off from all means and hopes of redress: and by the injustice and sacrilege of the Emperor, thus executed by them whom they regarded in no other light than that of military mercenary ruffians, the general odium against the Austrian government was carried to the highest pitch of abhorrence. A conspiracy which, from the nature of its design, must have consisted of a very great number of persons, was formed and carried on in the very seat of government and heart of the capital city of Brussels. It was resolved to undermine the house of Count Trautmandorf, the Emperor's civil engine of oppression, as well as that of his military tool General d'Alton, together with the guard-house; and to blow up those buildings, together with their possessors, into the air with gunpowder. The conspirators, during the confusion occasioned by this explosion, were to seize the arsenal with the city gates, and to admit several small bodies of emigrants, who were to be prepared, and at hand for the purpose. This gunpowder plot, which was laid in the month of August 1789, and speedily to be executed, being discovered, above twenty suspected persons were immediately taken up; and the number would have undoubtedly been much encreased, and a long succession of severe punishments have ensued, if the troubles now fast approaching had not put an end to this and similar prosecutions.

The numbers and the menacing aspect of emigrants and others dis

affected to government being daily increased, the plan of purging the country by emigration was changed. The magistrates were ordered not to grant passports: and the emigrated nobles and clergy were charged by proclamation to return, under pain of forfeiture. But the magistrates were themselves too much interested in the common cause, to lay any restraint that could possibly be avoided, on those who were disposed to take a more active part in its promotion; while the nobility and clergy laughed at the threat of forfeiture, which they well knew no compliance could avert, if ever it should be in the Emperor's power to inflict the penalty. The emigration was continued without interruption or diminution. Nothing less than a powerful army, with the advantage of numerous and well-chosen posts and garrisons, could have effectually restrained emigration from provinces so open onall sides, intersected by so many rivers and canals opening an easy and various communication with other countries, and in the near vicinity and uncommon variety of unconnected states. In addition to all these circumstances tending to facilitate emigration, the dangerous ambition, with the ever-restless and insidious policy of Joseph, had inspired all the neighbouring powers with a desire to embrace any opportunity that might occur for frustrating his designs, and humbling his pride. And while the ruling powers in the neighbouring states, were so favourably disposed towards the Flemings from motives of policy, their subjects, from ties of affinity and blood, long habits of commercial intercourse, private friendship, and above all, a general commiseration

of

France and to other places, the greatest number repaired to the frontier of the United Provinces: but principally to the Lordship and neighbourhood of Breda, in the province of Holland ;* which became their head quarters. The emigration from Brabant, which had at first been confined to the higher orders and people of property, was quickly increased in numbers, by an accession of active and resolute young men from all the provinces; which beheld in the fate of the constitution of Brabant the approaching fall of their own liberties.

The Austrian government were at first so far from taking any measures for putting a stop to emigration, that they considered it as rather a fortunate circumstance: and the country would thus be cleared of a great number of disaffected persons without any trouble. For the Emperor himself, he seems to have been well pleased with an opportunity of gratifying two darling passions: a rapacity for money, and an eagerness to humble and overthrow the clergy.t He issued a decree for the sequestration of all the abbeys of Brabant, and appointed civil officers for the administration of their revenues. He suppressed notless than 160 monas

tic establishments. The only precaution he appears to have used, was, that in this great suppression, the men were more favoured than the women. Of the male convents only forty were sequestered: of the nunneries, 110. Such an arbitrary invasion of so much property in a country so long in the enjoyment of freedom, and that of ecclesiastical property in a country so devoted to the clergy, was considered in a most odious light, raised a general outcry, and prepared the minds of men, particularly the peasants (the most numerous and hardy class) for insurrection.

The Flemings, who had long brooded (according to their national character) over their injuries in sullen silence, which served only to render them more determined in their resolutions, and more implacable in their resentments, began now to form bold designs, and to give vent to the rancour that preyed on their minds, in action.

General d'Alton, the great tool of imperial tyranny in the Netherlands, drawing detachments from different garrisons, sent them to scour such parts of the country as were deemed most disaffected, with orders to take up all suspected persons, and all vagabonds. With this latitude of commission, the troops

were

A patrimony belonging to the Prince of Orange. The characters of men at the opposite extremes of society, appear in some respects perfectly to coincide; the one class being placed by their situation above a regard to the sympathy of the greater and of the best part of mankind; and the other below it: a matter of fact which affords a very striking illustration of Dr. Adam Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments. The sentiments and views that actuated the Emperor Joseph on this occasion were not very different from those that dictated the massacres and confiscations in France in 1792, 1793, and 1794.

So not only the inhabitants of Flanders, the maritime, richest, and most popu lous, but also those of the other provinces, were formerly and until the recent revival of Roman appellations, generally called.

§ A soldier of fortune, and consequently devoted to the pleasure of his master. For an account of this military adventurer, we refer our readers to our Vol. 31; being that for 1780.

were in fact left at liberty to take up whomsoever they pleased. Many disorders and much violence was committed. The prisons were filled with unhappy persons, who were cut off from all means and hopes of redress: and by the injustice and sacrilege of the Emperor, thus executed by them whom they regarded in no other light than that of military mercenary ruffians, the general odium against the Austrian government was carried to the highest pitch of abhorrence. A conspiracy which, from the nature of its design, must have consisted of a very great number of persons, was formed and carried on in the very seat of government and heart of the capital city of Brussels. It was resolved to undermine the house of Count Trautmandorf, the Emperor's civil engine of oppression, as well as that of his military tool General d'Alton, together with the guard-house; and to blow up those buildings, together with their possessors, into the air with gunpowder. The conspirators, during the confusion occasioned by this explosion, were to seize the arsenal with the city gates, and to admit several small bodies of emigrants, who were to be prepared, and at hand for the purpose. This gunpowder plot, which was laid in the month of August 1789, and speedily to be executed, being discovered, above twenty suspected persons were immediately taken up; and the number would have undoubtedly been much encreased, and a long succession of severe punishments have ensued, if the troubles now fast approaching had not put an end to this and similar prosecutions.

The numbers and the menacing aspect of emigrants and others dis

affected to government being daily increased, the plan of purging the country by emigration was changed. The magistrates were ordered not to grant passports: and the emigrated nobles and clergy were charged by proclamation to return, under pain of forfeiture. But the magistrates were themselves too much interested in the common cause, to lay any restraint that could possibly be avoided, on those who were disposed to take a more active part in its promotion; while the nobility and clergy laughed at the threat of forfeiture, which they well knew no compliance could avert, if ever it should be in the Emperor's power to inflict the penalty. The emigration was continued without interruption or diminution. Nothing less than a powerful army, with the advantage of numerous and well-chosen posts and garrisons, could have effectually restrained emigration from provinces so open onall sides, intersected by so many rivers and canals opening an easy and various communication with other countries, and in the near vicinity and uncommon variety of unconnected states. In addition to all these circumstances tending to facilitate emigration, the dangerous ambition, with the ever-restless and insidious policy of Joseph, had inspired all the neighbouring powers with a desire to embrace any opportunity that might occur for frustrating his designs, and humbling his pride. And while the ruling powers in the neighbouring states, were so_favourably disposed towards the Flemings from motives of policy, their subjects, from ties of affinity and blood, long habits of commercial intercourse, private friendship, and above all, a general commiseration

of

France and to other places, the greatest number repaired to the frontier of the United Provinces: but principally to the Lordship and neighbourhood of Breda, in the province of Holland ;* which became their head quarters. The emigration from Brabant, which had at first been confined to the higher orders and people of property, was quickly increased in numbers, by an accession of active and resolute young men from all the provinces; which beheld in the fate of the constitution of Brabant the approaching fall of their own liberties.

The Austrian government were at first so far from taking any measures for putting a stop to emigration, that they considered it as rather a fortunate circumstance: and the country would thus be cleared of a great number of disaffected persons without any trouble. For the Emperor himself, he seems to have been well pleased with an opportunity of gratifying two darling passions: a rapacity for money, and an eagerness to humble and overthrow the clergy.t He issued a decree for the sequestration of all the abbeys of Brabant, and appointed civil officers for the administration of their revenues. He suppressed not less than 160 monas

tic establishments. The only precaution he appears to have used, was, that in this great suppression, the men were more favoured than the women. Of the male convents only forty were sequestered: of the nunneries, 110. Such an arbitrary invasion of so much property in a country so long in the enjoyment of freedom, and that of ecclesiastical property in a country so devoted to the clergy, was considered in a most odious light, raised a general outcry, and prepared the minds of men, particularly the peasants (the most numerous and hardy class) for insurrection.

The Flemings, who had long brooded (according to their national character) over their injuries in sullen silence, which served only to render them more determined in their resolutions, and more implacable in their resentments, began now to form bold designs, and to give vent to the rancour that preyed on their minds, in action.

General d'Alton, the great tool of imperial tyranny in the Netherlands, drawing detachments from different garrisons, sent them to scour such parts of the country as were deemed most disaffected, with orders to take up all suspected persons, and all vagabonds. With this latitude of commission, the troops

* A patrimony belonging to the Prince of Orange.

were

The characters of men at the opposite extremes of society, appear in some respects perfectly to coincide; the one class being placed by their situation above a regard to the sympathy of the greater and of the best part of mankind; and the other below it: a matter of fact which affords a very striking illustration of Dr. Adam Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments. The sentiments and views that actuated the Emperor Joseph on this occasion were not very different from those that dictated the massacres and confiscations in France in 1792, 1793, and 1794.

So not only the inhabitants of Flanders, the maritime, richest, and most popu lous, but also those of the other provinces, were formerly and until the recent revival of Roman appellations, generally called.

§ A soldier of fortune, and consequently devoted to the pleasure of his master. For an account of this military adventurer, we refer our readers to our Vol. 31; being that for 1789.

were in fact left at liberty to take up whomsoever they pleased. Many disorders and much violence was committed. The prisons were filled with unhappy persons, who were cut off from all means and hopes of redress: and by the injustice and sacrilege of the Emperor, thus executed by them whom they regarded in no other light than that of military mercenary ruffians, the general odium against the Austrian government was carried to the highest pitch of abhorrence. A conspiracy which, from the nature of its design, must have consisted of a very great number of persons, was formed and carried on in the very seat of government and heart of the capital city of Brussels. It was resolved to undermine the house of Count Trautmandorf, the Emperor's civil engine of oppression, as well as that of his military tool General d'Alton, together with the guard-house; and to blow up those buildings, together with their possessors, into the air with gunpowder. The conspirators, during the confusion occasioned by this explosion, were to seize the arsenal with the city gates, and to admit several small bodies of emigrants, who were to be prepared, and at hand for the purpose. This gunpowder plot, which was laid in the month of August 1789, and speedily to be executed, being discovered, above twenty suspected persons were immediately taken up; and the number would have undoubtedly been much encreased, and a long succession of severe punishments have ensued, if the troubles now fast approaching had not put an end to this and similar prosecutions.

The numbers and the menacing aspect of emigrants and others dis

affected to government being daily increased, the plan of purging the country by emigration was changed. The magistrates were ordered not to grant passports: and the emigrated nobles and clergy were charged by proclamation to return, under pain of forfeiture. But the magistrates were themselves too much interested in the common cause, to lay any restraint that could possibly be avoided, on those who were disposed to take a more active part in its promotion; while the nobility and clergy laughed at the threat of forfeiture, which they well knew no compliance could avert, if ever it should be in the Emperor's power to inflict the penalty. The emigration was continued without interruption or diminution. Nothing less than a powerful army, with the advantage of numerous and well-chosen posts and garrisons, could have effectually restrained emigration from provinces so open onall sides, intersected by so many rivers and canals opening an easy and various communication with other countries, and in the near vicinity and uncom mon variety of unconnected states. In addition to all these circumstances tending to facilitate emigration, the dangerous ambition, with the ever-restless and insidious policy of Joseph, had inspired all the neighbouring powers with a desire to embrace any opportunity that might occur for frustrating his designs, and humbling his pride. And while the ruling powers in the neighbouring states, were so favourably disposed towards the Flemings from motives of policy, their subjects, from ties of affinity and blood, long habits of commercial intercourse, private friendship, and above all, a general commiseration

of

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