ter victory had declared on the side of the patriots, in this engagement in the capital of Brabant, nor in that of Ghent or any other, was killed in cold blood; nor quarter refused by the Flemings to any who demanded it in the heat of action. Not a single house in Brussels was burnt or plundered, although the owners who were inimical to the revolution were generally known; nor any injury offered to any person, except in fair and open encounters. The pri soners taken in the course of these various actions, of the 9th and 10th of December, and who were not included in the capitulation, amounted to no less than 3,000.

By the rapid successes of the patriots, particularly the extraordinary victories in Ghent and Brussels, the Austrian dominion in the low countries seemed for the present to be almost annihilated; as there was no place now remaining in their possession which they could hope long to retain, except the duchy of Luxemburg.

The patriotism of the Belgic nation seemed now to be triumphant. The inhabitants of Brussels, naturally elated with their success, expressed their joy in various modes: but in the midst of their rejoicings, did not omit to celebrate the most solemn offices of religion, for the double purpose of returning thanks to the Supreme Disposer of all events, for their happy deliverance, and offering up their orisons for the souls of those brave men who had fallen in the cause of their country. The ancient courts of justice were restored; Gazettes were published, under the auspices of government; a new oath of allegiance was administered to all officers of the state,

as well as to all the deputies of the committee of the states of Brabant; tranquillity was established at once, together with the regular exercise of sovereign power. It would have been difficult for a stranger newly arrived at Brussels, to believe that it had been so recently a scene of arms, and of political revolution.

The states of Brabant being assembled at Brussels on the last day of the year 1789, bound themselves by oath in the presence of the citizens, to preserve the rights, privileges, and constitution of their country; and then proceeded to administer the same oath to the members of the Sovereign Council of Brabant, amidst the general acclamations of the people. A few days after, the states of Flanders concluded and published an act of union with those of Brabant, offensive and defensive; by which the contracting parties bound themselves not to enter into any negotiation or agreement whatever with any foreign state (particularly with their late Sovereign) without the approbation and consent of the other. This union was to compose a sovereignty of the two states, in such a manner that all the power and exercise of that sovereignty should be concentered in a congress which should be composed of a prescribed number of deputies from each party, according to articles and regulations hereafter to be agreed on. In case of differences arising between two provinces, they were to be settled by the intervention of the sovereign power, or the mediation of persons appointed by the contending parties. It was provided however, that the powers of the congress should be restricted to mutual defence, the right of mak

low countries as volunteers. These gentlemen were received by the Netherlanders with open arms, and most, if not all of them, were appointed to immediate commands. Their numbers soon became so considerable, as not a few of them possessed sufficient influence in their respective countries for the levying of men; that in consequence of proposals made to them by congress, they raised and formed, under the name of the British Legion, a body of troops composed entirely of English, Scots, and Irish. Recruits in the mean time came into the service of the states from all parts of the Netherlands, both the towns and the country. A large portion of them found their own arms and ammunition. This uncommon fervour was peculiarly discernible in the rustic classes. The peasantry of the villages, in the proximity of Brussels especially, flocked in crowds to that city. It was computed that on one particular day, not less than 10,000 had paraded through the streets. The means by which these multitudes were collected with such readiness, and actuated by so ardent a zeal, was the influence of the clergy, who persuaded them that it was their duty to repel the attacks that had been made on the property of the church, and on its immunities, by the suppression of monasteries, and the introduction of new regulations in matters of ecclesiastical jurisdiction; which was stated as tending in its consequences to the utter ruin of religion itself.

Amidst so many great and interesting scenes going on at this time in so many places of Europe, France, Germany, Turkey, and Poland, there was none that attracted so general and lively a con

cern as the Austrian Netherlands. All liberal minds recollected what the Flemings had formerly been, contemplated with the highest delight what they had recently proved, that they still were and formed the most pleasing interpositions of what they were now not unlikely to be. As they were the first people in the north of Europe that cultivated arts and manufactures, a satisfaction was felt at their successful efforts to shake off the yoke of Austrian despotism, of the same nature with what was experienced about the same period at the glorious struggles of the Greeks, which we shall by and by have occasion to relate, in opposition to the heavy and degrading yoke of the Ottomans. All neighbouring nations that had any rights to protect, were interested in the support of the generous spirit and energy of freedom in the Austrian Netherlands. The ancient and intimate connexions between the Netherlands and England are well known. The Flemings drew from this

country the greater part of the materials for their principal manufacture the woollen; and the English, from their commerce with Flanders, imbibed, or were more and more confirmed in sentiments of freedom. At all times habits of various intercourse prevailed between the English and Flemish nations; who, besides the circumstances of near neighbourhood and the sameness of descent, possess a near resemblance to each other in national character. Accordingly there was no nation that took so warm an interest in the affairs of the Flemish patriots as the British: of which we shall presently see a striking proof and instance.

When

When states and kingdoms are united under one sovereign, whether by conquest or succession, it is the constant fate of the smaller to be governed by the greater. The laws, customs, and manners of great monarchies are extended from the court to the annexed dominions, which become so many provinces. The interests and inclinations of the new and extreme parts of the empire are sacrificed to the political views and personal humours of the distant monarch; fallible himself, and exposed to the interested counsels of those around him, who, with all the prejudices of education, and the confidence of power, are entrusted in the provinces with the first offices, civil, military, and ecclesiastic. Hence proceed jealousies, murmurs, and discontents, which often break into acts of revolt and rebellion. Independence of government is in general attended with more beneficial consequences than any that can well accrue to a small from its annexa

tion to a greater kingdom. It nourishes national pride; it excites a spirit of exertion and glory in individuals, who by distinguishing merit, are quickly brought in moderate kingdoms under the eye of the court; it watches over the public interests, and studies the objects which the nation are invited to pursue, either by local or political situation. According to these sentiments, it has happened at different times and in different countries, that when two distinct and independent kingdoms, each enjoying its own laws, have been united under one sovereign, the weaker, in order to preserve its liberty and independence, has se. parated itself from the stronger.

Spain and Portugal were subject, in a federal union to the same sovereign Philip II; but, notwithstanding that by this union the Portugueze had obtained most advantageous conditions from Spain, the Portugueze no sooner found a favourable opportunity than they revolted from their allegiance, and chose for their king the Duke of Braganza. Sweden and Denmark were placed under the dominion of one sovereign by the Semiramis of the north in the 14th century, the famous Margaret, daughter of Valdemar, King of Norway, and widow of Huguin King of Norway. But the Swedes, justly provoked by the treacherous and inhuman policy of Christian II. the last King of Denmark, who, by virtue of the union of Colmar, was also King of Sweden, dissolved that treaty by arms, and chose for their king Gustavus Vasa. In the Scottish parliament, in the reign of Queen Anne, on the question concerning the settlement of the Scottish crown in the family of Hanover, it was observed, that although the Scots in the first confederate war, terminated in 1697 by the peace of Ryswick, had acquired great reputation, and their trade was exposed to various disadvantages, yet in that treaty they were not so much as mentioned; and that their soldiers were disbanded without any gratuity or grant of privilege. The Scottish patriots insisted on this occasion on the corruption of their peers; the embezzlement of their public treasury; the constant oppression of the commons; of taxes, burthens, and contemptuous treatment; the ruin of their commerce at Darien; the prohibition of watering at the Eng

lish colonies; and other grievances which they were forced to suffer, as if they had been aliens and outlaws. Some of the Scottish noblemen, it was urged, and others possessing great interest with their countrymen, and easy access to their sovereign, had long been influenced by hopes of reward to overthrow the authority of the laws, and even formally to repeal the old and to enact new ones. These men, the Scottish patriots affirmed, were under engagements to assent to the inclinations of the English, and to be subservient to their interests, before they were promoted to public employments. From the accession of James I. it was said, to the throne of England, a space of 100 years, the power of the magistrates, decisions, courts of justice, parliaments, authority, jurisdictions, allegiance, the conduct of the war and the laws themselves, had all been subjected to the direction of the English. The historian who relates these circumstances* adds, "All these particulars were made subjects of heavy complaints by the Scots; which however (says the historian) it is certain the Kings of England had it not in their power to redress: for Kings must of necessity humour the most powerful nation." It is to a similar cause to that of the Scottish grievances, that those of the Hungarians already mentioned, are to be traced;

and to a similar also, those of the Flemish nation; who were now accordingly determined to cut up the evil by the root.

The spirit of this people quickly appeared to be equal to the justice of their cause; and both seemed to be already triumphant. Even if they had not obtained such import ant advantages by an appeal to arms, if they had only been able to make head against their enemies, and prevent their excision or capture by retreating, according to circumstances, from one place to another, and training themselves to war by skirmishes in the field: even in this case there would have been ground, both in internal and external circumstances, for hope that this Fabian mode of conquest in the Netherlands, as in America, must have led to the confirmation and solid establishment of civil and political liberty. But the bold and vigorous spirit that animated the descendants of the ancient Belgæ, was not to be confined within that line of conduct which a less daring and hardy race of men might in similar circumstances have adopted. Regarding the numerous titles and armorial bearings of Joseph II. with contempt, and his armies without fear, they did not decline, but courted a conflict. At Turnhout, at Tirlemont, Ghent, and Brussels, the Flemish peasants rushed undaunted