sitting and voting in the assembly of the states is confined to the abbots of male convents, to about twenty-seven out of a numerous nobility, and to a few deputies from the different trades or corporations of the chief cities. Anciently, the smaller cities or towns, and even the villages, were possessed of franchises, which entitled them to seats in the third estate of the national assembly but from the natural process of delegation and sub-delegation in all popular power, the representatives of the people of Brabant, were limited at last to deputies from Louvain, Brussels, and Antwerp. Thus the constitution of the states-general of the Nether lands is the most aristocratical that can be well imagined. This assembly of men, in the constitution of which the public voice has scarcely any share at all, can never be regarded as the representation, or genius, if we may say so, of the nation. But if they had indeed a title to be regarded in this light, still they would not have any title to assume the reins of government, and to convert a subordinate, or if they will, for the sake of argument, a coordinate, into an absolute power; the parliament of the catholic provinces would, at best, be in the predicament of the parliament of Great Britain during the interregnum occasioned by the late indisposition of the King. Though this assembly was more popular than the states-general, and had fairer pretensions to be considered as the voice of the people, they never conceived the idea of governing the nation, even for a time, by their own authority, but proceeded without delay to the declaration of a regent. Experience had taught

the British nation to consider a perpetual parliament exercising a direct power over the people, without any control, as an object of terror. The partial, summary, and iniquitous proceedings of the English parliament in the time of Charles I. which serve as a beacon to the British, ought also to forewarn the Belgic nation of the calamities to be apprehended from despotic power, whether it be lodged in the hands of one man or of many The states-general are in the situation of a chamberlain or steward, who, on the death of his lord,continues, without any express commission, to manage affairs for the benefit of his lawful heir, to whom he gives an account of his conduct; or of a character known to the Romans and the Roman law, under the name of negotiorum sistor.

"The states-general are therefore responsible to the people for all. that they have done and advised since the deposition of the Emperor: the sooner that they call a national assembly, the more effectually will they secure their own safety, and the tranquillity and security of the commonwealth. If the Belgic provinces are not yet ripe for a civil constitution, framed on the mode of that which is in the act of being reared in France, at least let a successor be appointed to Joseph II.; at least let the constitution, such as it was before the dismission of that ambitious man, be restored; and let improvements be made afterwards as opportunities may invite, and as the spirit of the times may bear or require. Till the old constitution be restored, or a new one established on the basis of liberty and justice, it would be the greatest madness in the triple

alliance,

alliance, or in any other power, to enter into a treaty with the Catholic provinces."

Such principles and pretensions were highly offensive to the two upper orders, who foreseeing that, by the admission of these the influence which they had hitherto exercised with so little control, would be greatly diminished, laboured to quash them, together with the spirit inwhich they originated. For thisend they employed the Curés, or parish priests, of the towns and villages of the provinces, to visit their respective parishioners, and to use their utmost influence for inducing them to sign a counter-address, requesting the states to seize and punish, in an exemplary manner, all those disturbers of the public tranquillity, who wished to introduce innovations and changes in the religion, in the constitution, or in the present form in which the nation is represented by the three orders of the state, which it has chosen for its representatives. The Curés, habituated throughout life to the greatest intimacy and friendship with their parishioners, reluctant to press a measure which they knew to be contrary to the sentiments and inclinations of so great a portion of them, and sympathizing perhaps more with the third estate than the higher orders of the clergy and the nobility, do not seem to have been very zealous in performing the task assigned to them certain it is, at least, that they were not very successful The counter-address received but slow and scanty support: nor is any certain information that it was ever presented. While the united Belgic states endeavoured to recommend their cause to the VOL. XXXIII.

there

public by means of the priests, they took care, as far as was possible, that the eloquence of the priests should suffer no counteraction from that of the press; which by a decree passed on the 12th of January, 1790, two days after the declaration of independency and the formation of the new government, was to remain under the same restrictions as formerly; that is to say, that all publications whatever, without exception, should continue as usual, subject to the previous examination and judgment of clerical, or lay-censors, according to the nature of the matter treated of in such publications; and that all printers, booksellers, and hawkers, should be answerable for the matter contained in the books, pamphlets, or papers, which they should publish.

This marked solicitude to keep the minds of men under control, only served to excite the greater dissatisfaction on the part of all who aimed at a more popular form of government. These might be reduced to three classes: 1st, The burghers and inhabitants of towns, reckoning in that number the trading and manufacturing parts of the community, whether living in towns, villages, or any part of the country. 2d, That numerous and still increasing class of men, of various situations and professions, who were smitten with what began about this time to be called the French Contagion. 3rd, Some of the lower nobility, and their descendants, who served in the Belgic army; a great portion of the military men in general, and parti cularly of brave officers mostly of the third estate, and without whose bold spirit and extraordinary exer E

tions

tions in bringing undisciplined to encounter and to vanquish disciplined troops, the revolution could not have been accomplished. This class of men thought it hard that their eminent services, and the dangers they had undergone bad not contributed, in any respect, to better their condition; and that the Austrian yoke was to be exchanged only for a similar despotism placed in the hands of a few, of their own countrymen. On the whole, the third estate suspected that the two higher orders, without any consideration of the commons, or regard to either their rights or interests, meant nothing more than to engross all power to themselves, whether as orders or individuals. But this order, if we may call it so, of democracy, was divided into two classes, by a very important distinc tion. The greater and more opulent partof the burghers, andafew others, who would have been contented with a more equal, yet moderate share in the representation; and men, whose ideas led them to objects far beyond those which the leaders of the revolution or the sober part of the burghers had in view, or even what they had in view themselves; and who, exactly in the spirit of the revolutionists in France, were in a train of continued innovation.

As the third estate, intermixed and supported by numbers of democrats, were united for the present in opposition to the two higher orders, so these orders were united only by a common opposition to the third estate with their democratical adherents; for each at bottom wished, and in the progress of the revolution exhibited unequivocal symptoms of a design to

engross the sovereign power in their own hands. These two par. ties, in point of strength and pretensions, seemed to be pretty equally balanced. On the side of the nobility were large inheritances in land, derived from high antiquity of family; the reverence which these circumstances have ever been found to inspire in every country and age; but which in the Netherlands was carried even beyond its usual pitch; the virtues which adorned several of the principal nobility of the present day; the great share which they had in the accomplishment of the revolution, and the extraordinary stakes they had hazarded and risks they had run on that occasion. But the lower and most numerous class of nobles were influenced by hatred and envy of the higher: separate views were entertained by both : the order in general was loose and disjointed, incapable of unity, of design and action, of co-operation, energy, and effect.

In favour of the clergy, we have to reckon that extraordinary degree of power which they had possessed in the provinces from time immemorial; and which, until the late attacks by the restless and mischievous Joseph, had continued unimpaired; large landed possessions, and not a little personal wealth; the peculiar and extreme bigotry of the Flemings, and attachment to every thing relating to the church; and the advantages which the priests possessed on all occasions of contest in the practice of auricular confession; their union and discipline; the secrecy of their councils; the closeness and constancy with which they pursued their object; and, above

all,

all, the facility with which their powers might be collected into one centre and system of action.

As the power and authority of the clergy depended chiefly on the ascendancy they possessed over the minds of the people, particularly of the country people (and it was evident that all contests in an unsettled state of affairs must ultimately be decided in favour of that party which could command the greatest numbers and physical force); as the power of the clergy still gained ground on the one hand, and the discontents of the people still increased on the other,—the nobility thought it necessary to make an attempt for the recovery of their popularity. In the month of February it was proposed, and by the sovereign congress of the united Belgic states, that there should be an addition of two members for each of the principal towns to the representation of the third estate. This measure restored, in some degree, the confidence of the most moderate men among the commons. But the general discontent and restlessness of what we have called the democratical class, or order, instead of being quieted, continued to increase, and rose at last to such a pitch, in consequence of unfounded rumours concerning despotic designs on the part of a few of the strongest states, that large parties of horse and foot, by order of the states, patrolled the principal streets in Brussels, and

other great towns, by day and by night; insomuch that the new commonwealth began to wear the appearance of a military government. In the mean time, the prisons were crowded with criminals, or suspected persons, whose wants and sufferings rendered them ripe for the most desperate attempts: nor could the sympathy of those without, as was apprehended, be restrained from effecting their liberation, and joining in such attempts, otherwise than by an armed force.

It was on the army, accordingly, in this distracted and unsettled state of affairs, that the decision of all internal dissentions and contests wholly depended. But a jealousy arose between the ruling powers and the leaders of the army, already, as has been observed, very generally disaffected, which proved more fatal than any other jealousy or discontent that had yet appeared, to the new government. Amongst all the officers who had distinguished themselves on the side of the patriots, general Vandermersch, abovementioned, was the most distinguished by the brilliancy and successes of his military enterprizes: nor was the respect and admiration, in which he was justly held, confined to his own country, but extended to every part of Europe.* The general was one of that great number of military men who had become very much dissatisfied with the conduct of the congress: nor was he at any pains to conceal his sentiments

sentiments, but expressed them with the manly openness of a soldier; which seemed still further to spread and heighten them in the army, by whom he was not more generally respected and admired than trusted and beloved. Towards the close of March, 1790, deputies were sent by the congress to Namur, where the acting part of the army employed against the Austrians was stationed, under general Vandermersch's orders. Their object evidently was, to remove him from his command, or, at least, from his office. In this new and dangerous situation Vandermersch determined on a bold stroke; but which was his only hope of liberty or life. He ordered the deputies from the congress to be immediately arrested, and committed to prison.* Immediately after this step, he issued a proclamation, May 30, 1790, in which without taking any notice of the congress by name, he says, that evil designing persons, strongly suspected of having incited the pillage and proscriptions which had taken place in Brussels, were arrived there for the purpose of sowing sedition, calumnia ing the loyal intentions of the general and the army; and that it had therefore been thought necessary to remove every cause of alarm, by declaring that he was himself placed at the head of the army, for the purpose of defending the Roman Catholic faith, with the civil and religious rights of the people; which he was determined to protect from all invasion. It appears, that during certain disputes and bickerings that had taken place between the civil

On

powers and the army, the officers had nominated Vandermersch to be commander-in-chief of the Belgic forces, and applied for the confirmation of their choice to congress, but without effect, as was indeed to be expected; having gone so far in violation of the authority of congress, and being conscious that mutual confidence between that council and the army could not henceforth exist. the day after that on which the general issued his declaration, the officers unanimously passed and published the following resolutions: That general Vandermersch shall continue generalissimo of the Belgic army: That the duke of Ursel should instantlybe placed at thehead of the war departments: That the prince of Aremberg, count of La Marck (son of the duke, and whose military talents are generally known as well as the proofs he gave of his patriotism at the commencement of the revolution in offering his services to the committee of Breda) shall be appointed second in command of the army, next to general Vandermersch; and that addresses of supplication shall be sent to all the provinces, inviting them to co-operate with the army for the reformation of abuses, and the reestablishment of order.

Intelligence being received of these proceedings, the sovereign congress, without delay or hesitation, issued orders for the troops at Brussels, and in various other stations, to march towards Namur; near which a place of rendezvous was appointed, where they were to form a junction and advance, in order to bring the opposite army to

reason;