of distinction and honour, such as magnificent presents in garments, fine horses, and money, at the seraglio: while the populace embraced every opportunity of expressing their approbation, applause, and even apparent affection. Forgetting, it is said, their usual bigotry and pride, they hailed the Swedes as their Christian brothers. All these circumstances, all the respectful and kindly sentiments, founded on the honour and heroism of the King, another Charles XII, their friend and ally, not their enemy, as well as on the native honour and generous fidelity for which the Swedes had at all times been renowned, served now only to exasperate the resentment of the Turks, with whom insincerity ranks among the least of their vices, and filled the public mind with a degree of indignation and abhorrence that could scarcely be restrained from acts of outrage.

It was not, however, the King of Sweden that was the proper object of their resentment, but the other allies of the Turks, particularly Prussia; though these allies, instead of taking blame, or shame, to themselves, joined in the cry against that magnanimous and heroic Prince, for what they called his shameful desertion of the confederation. While it was possible for the King of Sweden to maintain it, he persevered in a desperate conflict with the overpowering force of the Russian arms, agreeably to his engagements. If private interest and ambition had been the ruling principle of his conduct, he would have suffered the Russian fleet, in 1788, to proceed to its destination, the Mediterranean sea, by

which means the Swedish fleet would have remained mistress of the Baltic; and such precisely is the conduct that such a political and versatile court as his ally, Prussia, would in all probability have observed, if placed in a similar situation. The King, faithful to engagements, to divert and employ the naval force of Russia, performed those prodigies of courage and valour which we have above related. It was not until he had maintained the unequal contest with a constancy and energy of which (except perhaps in the Swedish history) there is no example, for three years; it was not until a general ruin had fallen on every denomination and division of the Swedish fleet, the Pomeranian light squadron alone excepted: it was not until all this had been beheld by the allies, if not with indifference, yet without any actual movement on their part towards his relief, that Gustavus listened to the voice of peace with a power which at least had not betrayed him.

The eyes of the Empress of Russia, as well as those of all sovereign powers, in the spring and summer of 1790, were fixed on the conduct of the new Emperor Leopold. He had at first rejected proposals made to him for a separate peace; but this was so strongly enforced by the necessity of his affairs, that Catharine very reasonably doubted whether he would continue long to persevere in rejecting them. If he should not, she would be left alone to support a contest with the allied powers, as well as with Sweden, Poland, and the Ottoman empire. Such a combination against her was sufficient to abate the ardour of her

hopes

hopes, and to lower the tone of her conduct so far, as to contract it within the limits of greater caution and circumspection. She therefore suspended hostilities on the Danube, and foreseeing, or being quickly informed, of the intended treaty of Reichenbach, employed her active and comprehensive mind in bringing about a peace with Sweden, and forming plans for future military operations.

In the mean time, while the Rus sians rested on their arms on the principal theatre of war, hostilities were neither interrupted at sea, nor wholly in any other quarter at

land.

The Grand Seignior, greatly encouraged by the strenuous interference of the allies in his behalf, made every effort for carrying on the war with the utmost vigour. He had recourse to all the expedients within the compass of his finances, or his authority in the state. He invited into his service strong and able-bodied men, by the amplest pecuniary allurements. He deprived himself of the Bostangis, or guards of the seraglio, a corps of about 10,000 choice men, and sent them to reinforce his army. Animated by his example, or fearful to offend him, opulent Turks, particularly those in public stations, vied with each other in their exertions to furnish men and money for the public service. The Pasha of Angora, led 4,000 men into the field, levied and accoutred at his sole expence. The very women, of high rank and circumstances, raised and sent soldiers to the camp, proportionably to their abilities. The mother of Selim, led the way on this occasion, by arming and pro

viding with money and necessaries a body of 500 men. This enthusiasm of public spirit spread into the remotest, and even such as may be considered as little more than nominal parts of the empire; and rouzed the Algerine corsairs to resist, repress, and subdue a piratic squadron of Greeks, under Russian auspices and colours, in the Archipelago, which plundered the islands and coast of that sea, and was a great annoyance to the Turkish trade, particularly that with Egypt, the most valuable of any; as being that on which the capital chiefly depended for rice and other pro

visions.

The Czarina at the commencement of the present war, sent manifestos to all parts of Greece, as she had done in the former war, inviting the inhabitants to take up arms, and co-operate with her in expellingthe enemies of Christianity from the countries they had usurped, and regaining their ancient liberty and national independence. By the peace at Kainargi, 1774, it was stipulated that a general amnesty and eternal oblivion of all crimes whatever, committed or suspected to the sublime Porte, should be granted and observed to the inhabitants of the Greek islands, comprehending the Greeks of the peninsula of the Morea, that neither the Christian religion nor its churches should be exposed to the smallest oppression; that no payment should be exacted from those islands, of the annual taxes to which they had been subjected, from the time during which they had been under the dependence of the Russian empire, in consideration of the great losses which they had suf

fered

fered during the war, for the term of two years to come, reckoning from the time of their restoration to the Sublime Porte; and that permission should be granted to such families as should chuse to quit their country and establish themselves elsewhere, to depart freely in a reasonable time (the course of one year) with their goods. Notwithstanding this solemn engagement, the Russians had no sooner evacuated their conquests, than they fell upon the inhabitants, unprepared to resist them, and massacred an incredible number, particularly in the Morea, where their vengeance fell with all its weight.* Whole districts were left without a single inhabitant; and this fine country is now almost a desart. Yet such was the love of liberty that prevailed among the Greeks, that they were not deterred by the recollection that the Russians had withdrawn their arms, and left them under no stronger a protection than the faith of treaties. Such, notwithstanding all these circumstances, was the native ardour of the Greeks when excited and encouraged by a ray of hope, that when a fresh war broke out between the Turks and Russians, they again took up arms without hesitation, at the call of the Empress, who on her part assured them, that she was determined never

again to commit them to the faith of any treaty with the Ottomans. A Greek of the name of Sottiri, was sent to Albania to distribute manifestos, and form a concert with the chiefs of that extensive and maritime province, for an insurrection and revolt from the Turkish tyranny. A Grecian army was soon raised, their head-quarters being at Sulli. They marched against the Pasha of Janina, the capital of the ancient Epirus, and defeated him in a pitched battle, in which his son was killed, and despoiled of his rich armour.

The Greeks, encouraged by this success, collected a sum of money, by voluntary subscription of individuals, and fitted out at Trieste an armament of twelve small ships, under the Russian flag, and the command of one of their own nation, Lambro Canziani, which sailed, in April 1790, to the Archipelago. These adventurers, whose numbers were daily increased by the accession of others from various quarters, not only carried on with great success a predatory war at sea, and in occasional descents on the Turkish coasts, but seized the island of Zia, situated between Athens and the southern extremity of the island of Negropont, fifteen miles in length, and eight in breadth; well cultivated, and abounding in most of the necessaries

of

of life. The principal town, called also Zia, contained about fifteen thousand inhabitants. At this place, the Greek adventurers, in order to secure the possession of the island, constructed a fort, and garrisoned it with Albanian soldiers. They were everywhere victorious and excited so general an alarm and dread, as nearly to draw a consider able part of the Turkish navy out of the Black Sea, and leave the capital of the Turkish empire exposed to the attack of a formidable Russian fleet, then in the ports of the Crimea. Nor would the Turkish squadron have been able to resist the military ardour, and nautical skill of the Greeks,* if it had not been seconded by the Algerines, a race of men who unite the pride of Mahomedanism with the ferocity of Africans, and the hardiness and skill of experienced sailors; and who, perhaps, felt not a little indig. nation that their own province of piracy was intruded on, by men whom they were accustomed to consider as slaves, equally vile and spiritless.

On the 18th of May, 1790, seven Algerine corsairs being joined by the Turkish vessels, attacked the Grecian armament with great fury. The Greeks fought with the most undaunted, though not with superior bravery; but being equalled in courage, and exceeded greatly in numbers and weight of metal, they were at last overpowered, tho' not till the twelve frigates were sunk, and nothing remained but some boats, in which the gallant Lambro, with what remained of his followers, made their escape.

Lambro Canziani could not find resources for fitting out again more than one ship. The conduct of the Russian agents to this patriot and hero, was most flagrantly flagitious. The peculation of all those who were entrusted with money for the Russian service, had become so common and glaring, that they looked upon it as their own property. Lambro was suffered to be imprisoned for debts contracted for his armaments, and owed his release only to the contributions of his countrymen. The news of peace arrived; but Lambro, agitated at once with indignation and a thirst of revenge, found no rest to his troubled mind, but in violent and desperate action. He put to sea with his single ship, and attacked and sunk, or destroyed, several Turkish ships. He was disavowed by Russia, and declared a pirate. Still he persevered in his desperate course. Being again overpowered, he disdained to strike: his vessel sunk under him, and he again escaped in his boat, and took refuge in the mountains of Albania; where the Sulliotes, and other Greek christians, after seventeen battles and skirmishes with the Turks, maintained, and, as we have been recently well assured, still maintain their independence. Thus, in the Greeks of our times, as well as the Swedes, we have a conspicuous proof and example, how much the character and fate of nations depend on moral causes: how easily the spirit of former ages may be revived in various climates by circumstances of government; and that nature is not less propitious to

any

any nation now, than it was to their

remotest ancestors.

In making selections from that infinite mass of materials which lies before the writer of history, even of annals, one of its humblest species, he is naturally directed by the sentiments, views, and even passions, that are uppermost in his mind, in common with those of the age and country in which he lives. The new, singular, and almost whimsical situation in which the Greeks of our day, who have shewn them selves so well deserving of attention, are placed by the present coalition between the Turks and Russians (by the former of whom they have been so long oppressed, and by the latter repeatedly abandoned) will, we trust, plead our excuse with our ingenuous readers, if we take the liberty, even in this brief sketch of the passing years, of making a short digression to certain transactions between the illustrious Catharine and the Greek nation, during the period that forms the subject of the present volume, The Venetians being unwilling to give offence to their neighbours the Ottomans, and desirous, above all things, according to the weak policy of old and enfeebled states to observe a strict neutrality, refused their consent to a communication through the Gulf of Venice, between the Russians and the Greeks in Albania, by means of the port of Prevasa,* the nearest to Mount Sulli, the great rendezvous of the Greeks, before mentioned. The Empress, therefore, sent Cap

tain Psaro, with several other per→ sons, to Sicily, to establish magazines for the fleet coming out under Admiral Greig in that island, and to furnish that people with money and ammunition. In this state of things, the Greeks sent a deputation of three leading men of their nation to St. Petersburg, with complaints against the persons commissioned on this service by the Empress. They presented to her Imperial Majesty the rich armour that had been worn by the son of the Pasha of Janina, together with a petition than which it is impossible to conceive any one more proper for the occasion; but by the intrigues of those who were afraid of a scrutiny into their peculations, were prevented, for several months, from presenting their petition, and explaining the business of their mission. But at length they obtained a private audience of the Empress, through the good offices of M. Zuboff, at that time the favourite. They presented a memorial in Greek, with a translation in French, setting forth in terms, and with professions, of the most profound respect, confidence, and submission, the circumstances that had emboldened themto prostrate themselves at hert feet, the delays of her ministers to answer their memorials-the embezzlements of Psaro, and the other agents,-mistakes into which her Imperial Majesty had been led respecting the character and conduct of this man and facts proving the disinteresed and generous zeal and efforts of the Greeks