reason; so that every thing now. bore the aspect of a civil war. By what means this was prevented, or by what motives of hope or of fear, or sudden impulse of passion of any kind, the officers and army could be induced unanimously, and most shamefully to abandon their general, whom they themselves had so recently exalted to too dangerous a point of pre-eminence, to the rage of his enemies, we are entirely ignorant. But who can bear to relate or to read, without the most painful emotions of sympathetic grief and indignation, that the brave general Vandermersch obtained no other reward for his eminent services than to be confined and drag out a miserable existence in a dungeon of the citadel of Antwerp!

The charges laid by the congress against Vandermersch, andforwhich they at first determined to bring him to trial for life or death, were "That, forgetting that he derived all his authority from them, he had permitted himself to be chosen generalissimo by the officers of his army, endeavoured to retain that situation by force; that, with equal violence, he had presumed to violate the sovereignty of the states, by arresting their deputies to the army under his command; and that by these and other violent proceedings, he had nearly involved the country in a civil war."

The hostility of the congress was at the same time pointed against the duke of Ursel: a prince of large paternal estates as well as honours, being hereditary chief of the order of nobility in Brabant; and who had rendered himself extremely popular by his patriotisin, munificence, and other virtues. The duke

even before the declaration of the army, had become an object of jealousy and aversion to the congress; who suspected that this chief with a few others of the nobility of the greatest estates and largest share of popularity and influence, aimed under the pretence of a regard tofreedom, of drawing to themselves and perhaps a few others, the chief share in the administration of go vernment. The duke of Ursel, it is said, was particularly suspected and obnoxious to the higher orders of the clergy; and therefore, at the pressing solicitations not only of his own friends, but even those of cer tain deputies of the states, he retired for protection from poison or assassination, into the province of Flanders. In this retreat the suspicions and the vengeance of the supreme rulers did not suffer him to remain long without molestation. by their authority, and chiefly the influence and instigations of Van Eupen, an ecclesiastic and a leading member of congress, the states of Flanders were induced to arrest and confine the duke of Ursel; without any form of justice. were spent in fruitless attempts to discover some plausible ground of crimination against the duke. His judges declared, and authorized himself to publish and proclaim his innocence. The states of Flanders attempted to prolong his confinement, and to suppress the decision which the judges had given in his favour. They applied to certain companies of volunteers to carry their arbitrary mandates into execution. On the refusal of the volunteers to comply with so unjust a requisition, the states endeavoured to have him carried off by night, in order to put him into the hands of

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sentiments, but expressed them with the manly openness of a soldier; which seemed still further to spread and heighten them in the army, by whom he was not more generally respected and admired than trusted and beloved. Towards the close of March, 1790, deputies were sent by the congress to Namur, where the acting part of the army employed against the Austrians was stationed, under general Vandermersch's orders. Their object evidently was, to remove him from his command, or, at least, from his office. In this new and dangerous situation Vandermersch determined on a bold stroke; but which was his only hope of liberty or life. He ordered the deputies from the congress to be immediately arrested, and committed to prison.* Immediately after this step, he issued a proclamation, May 30, 1790, in which without taking any notice of the congress by name, he says, that evil designing persons, strongly suspected of having incited the pillage and proscriptions which had taken place in Brussels, were arrived there for the purpose of sowing sedition, calumnia ing the loyal intentions of the general and the army; and that it had therefore been thought necessary to remove every cause of alarm, by declaring that he was himself placed at the head of the army, for the purpose of defending the Roman Catholic faith, with the civil and religious rights of the people; which he was determined to protect from all invasion. It appears, that during certain disputes and bickerings that had taken place between the civil

powers and the army, the officers had nominated Vandermersch to be commander-in-chief of the Belgic forces, and applied for the confirmation of their choice to congress, but without effect, as was indeed to be expected; having gone so far in violation of the authority of congress, and being conscious that mutual confidence between that council and the army could not henceforth exist. On the day after that on which the general issued his declaration, the officers unanimously passed and published the following resolutions: That general Vandermersch shall continue generalissimo of the Belgic army: That the duke of Ursel should instantly be placed at thehead of the war departments: That the prince of Aremberg, count of La Marck (son of the duke, and whose military talents are generally known as well as the proofs he gave of his patriotism at the commencement of the revolution in offering his services to the committee of Breda) shall be appointed second in command of the army, next to general Vandermersch; and that addresses of supplication shall be sent to all the provinces, inviting them to co-operate with the army for the reformation of abuses, and the reestablishment of order.

Intelligence being received of these proceedings, the sovereign congress, without delay or hesitation, issued orders for the troops at Brussels, and in various other stations, to march towards Namur; near which a place of rendezvous was appointed, where they were to form a junction and advance, in order to bring the opposite army to

reason;

reason; so that every thing now. bore the aspect of a civil war. By what means this was prevented, or by what motives of hope or of fear, or sudden impulse of passion of any kind, the officers and army could be induced unanimously, and most shamefully to abandon their general, whom they themselves had so recently exalted to too dangerous a point of pre-eminence, to the rage of his enemies, we are entirely ignorant. But who can bear to relate or to read, without the most painful emotions of sympathetic grief and indignation, that the brave general Vandermersch obtained no other reward for his eminent services than to be confined and drag out a miserable existence in a dungeon of the citadel of Antwerp!

The charges laid by the congress against Vandermersch, andforwhich they at first determined to bring him to trial for life or death, were "That, forgetting that he derived all his authority from them, he had permitted himself to be chosen generalissimo by the officers of his army, endeavoured to retain that situation by force; that, with equal violence, he had presumed to violate the sovereignty of the states, by arresting their deputies to the army under his command; and that by these and other violent proceedings, he had nearly involved the country in a civil war."

The hostility of the congress was at the same time pointed against the duke of Ursel: a prince of large paternal estates as well as honours, being hereditary chief of the order of nobility in Brabant; and who had rendered himself extremely popular by his patriotisin, munificence, and other virtues. The duke

even before the declaration of the army, had become an object of jealousy and aversion to the congress; who suspected that this chief with a few others of the nobility of the greatest estates and largest share of popularity and influence, aimed under the pretence of a regard tofreedom, of drawing to themselves and perhaps a few others, the chief share in the administration of government. The duke of Ursel, it is said, was particularly suspected and obnoxious to the higher orders of the clergy; and therefore, at the pressing solicitations not only of his own friends, but even those of cer tain deputies of the states, he retired for protection from poison or assassination, into the province of Flanders. In this retreat the sus picions and the vengeance of the supreme rulers did not suffer him to remain long without molestation. by their authority, and chiefly the influence and instigations of Van Eupen, an ecclesiastic and a leading member of congress, the states of Flanders were induced to arrest and confine the duke of Ursel, without any form of justice. were spent in fruitless attempts to discover some plausible ground of crimination against the duke. His judges declared, and authorized himself to publish and proclaim his innocence. The states of Flanders attempted to prolong his confine ment, and to suppress the decision which the judges had given in his favour. They applied to certain companies of volunteers to carry their arbitrary mandates into execution. On the refusal of the volunteers to comply with so unjust a requisition, the states endeavoured to have him carried off by night, in order to put him into the hands of

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approached his end, had manifested an intention of treating the Netherlands and his other dominions with greater justice, moderation, and prudence, than had hitherto characterized his government. About the time of issuing his last memorial from Vienna, he gave further evidence of this change in his disposition, by dispatching the count Cobentzel, so highly distinguished by his diplomatic talents, to Brussels, in the hope of restoring tranquillity and order, and effecting a re-union with the Belgic provinces.* The death of Joseph, which happened on the 20th of February, 1790, as above related, and the accession of his brother Leopold, afforded a very considerable degree of expectation that a reconciliation and re-union might be effected between the people of he Netherlands and the new successor to the Austrian dominions, who was not personally an object of islike, aversion, and mistrust, like eir late sovereign; but who, on e contrary, had gained universal >plause on account of the moderaon of his disposition, as well as e mild and equitable administran of his government during so ny years as the grand duke of cany. The general expectas that had been formed from a w of the manners and conof this prince, were not an1 by a memorial which he itted to the inhabitants of herlands soon after his ar

rival at Vienna: and still less was it satisfactory to the people to whom it was addressed. In that piece,› Leopold, while he greatly blames. the perfidious and despotic conduct of his deceased brother, "makes the strongest professions on his own part, of lenity, kindness, and affection for the people; and gives them the strongest assurances of his disposition and intention to redress all their real grievances. But at the same time he asserts, in the highest terms, his undoubted right to the sovereignty of the Austrian Netherlands, and insinuates a threat, that.no power on earth shall deprive him of that right, while he possesses the means of maintaining it."

This memorial was considered by many at the time, and has since been pronounced by several writers, to be ungracious for a first address from a throne, and, on the whole, ill-judged and impolitic. It appears to us in a different light, as being in exact conformity with his maxims of government already noticed, on the occasion of mentioning his mode of settling the affairs of Hungary: a prudent mixture of condescension with firmness.

It was evident that the united Belgic states were every day becoming, from their internal jealousies and dissentions, less formidable than they had at first appeared to be. Ambitious, interested, and sor did views, became more and more apparent