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of departing from the form of her established religion, and to submit to that of England, either abridged her religious liberty by means of the civil attainments, or abridged her civil attainments by means of the obligations of religion.

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Mr. Fox reminded the House of what, he said, was sometimes for gotten that the two nations were, at the time of entering into the treaty of union, independent kingdoms meeting to treat, and meaning to form the treaty, on terms of perfect equality. Was it not an infringement of that equality, that a Scotchman, entering into any British office, should make a solemn profession of his attachment to the church of England; which to a scrupulous man might imply a dereliction of the principles of his native church, while there was no similar obligation on an Englishman appointed to an office in Scotland? Mr. Pitt insisted that the test which was now the subject of discussion, must have been understood as a stipulation at the time of the union, since it had been acquiesced in, from that period to the present, without the smallest complaint by those most interested to complain of the hardship, and who had it most in their power to claim with effect any right or privilege. The hardship was merely imaginary, and arose solely from a false view

of the test in question. It was not a dereliction of the principles of the church of Scotland, but merely a pledge of amity with the church of England; a declaration, that the person taking it was not so disaffected to that church as not to be willing to communicate with her. This willingness to communicate with her neighbour church, he understood to be the general sentiment of the members of the church of Scotland. But in Scotland, there were, as in England, sectaries of various denominations, whose sentiments were less liberal. Against such sectaries it was just, as well as expedient, that this test should operate; otherwise, the church of England would suffer an encroachment and a danger from them, to which, from the sectaries of England she was not exposed, as the legislature had repeatedly declared its intention to guard her. For as there was no test in Scotland, an exemption in favour of that country, would let in upon the church of England dissenters and sectaries of every denomination, and thus break down the fence which the wisdom and justice of parliament had so often and so lately confirmed around her.

Sir Gilbert Elliot's motion was therefore negatived by a considerable majority: the numbers being 149 to 62.

CHA P. XII.

The order proper to be observed in Narration. Apology for not always adhering strictly to that of Time. Message from his Majesty relative to Russia, and the Augmentation of our Naval Force. The only Terms on which the Czarina was willing to make Peace with the Turks. The Mediation of the Allies for effecting that object, hitherto fruitless. Growing Coldness and Jealousies between the Empress of Russia

and

and the British government. The Pride and Ambition of the Empress excite a Spirit of Resistance in various European Nations. Motion for an address to his Majesty on the Occasion of his Message to Parliament. Debates thereon; but the Motion carried in both houses. Various Motions against the Russian Armament. Conduct of Mr. Pitt. Character of a great Minister. Two Great Political Schools. Mr. Sheridan and Mr. Fox approve and applaud the French Revolution. Mr. Burke provoked, makes a violent Attack on this Revolution, and the New French Constitution. This Subject constantly introduced into all Debates on all Questions. Altercations between Mr. Burke and Mr. Fox. Rupture between these Old Friends, and final separation. State of the Province of Quebec. Bill for the Government of Canada. Debates thereon in both Houses. The Bill passed.

W

E have not deemed it necessary, as our readers will have perceived in what we have hitherto related of the parliamentary business of 1791, to adhere strictly to the order of the time when the particular subjects of discussion and decision were first brought forward; but have pursued different subjects, without interruption, to certain marked periods in their progression if not to their final determination; and passed on, in our narrative, from certain things to others, to which they bear an evident analogy or resemblance. It is not the aim of this annual sketch of the passing years, to give a mere chronicle of facts, but to arrange the principal events and subjects of attention, in such a manner as to form a picture that may be contemplated without distraction, and with some degree of interest and satisfaction. But for this end, the arrangement of transactions and events, in the mere order of time, is not sufficient: it is

necessary to class them together as much as possible, without deviating too far from the chronological order, under general heads and common principles; and as they are connected together by the relation of cause and effect *. We are abundantly sensible of the disadvantages under which we labour, in attempting to view events so recent, in their true light, and to give to all things their just places and proportions. This will be more happily effected by future historians, for whose use we transmit materials; but these, for the convenience of transmission, should be shaped into a kind of imperfect mould or form, like those rude resemblances of various utensils that are sometimes brought in ships, rather than mere blocks of wood, from the forests of Norway.

It was announced to the parliament, in his Majesty's speech from the throne, that a separate peace had taken place between Russia and Sweden, but that the war between

the

The three great bands of association among our ideas has been observed by metaphysicians, from the time of Aristotle to the present, are similitude or dissimilitude; cause or effect; and contiguity in time and place. In proportion as variety of matter acquires an appearance of uniformity, by means of these bands of connection, compositions of all kinds take hold of the mind, and become interest. ing.

the former of those powers and the Porte still continued; and that the principles on which his majesty had hitherto acted, would make him, desirous of employing the weight and influence of this country in contributing to the restoration of general tranquillity. Of the various subjects touched on in his Majesty's speech, this was by far the most important to Great Britain and Europe; and excited accordingly a more than ordinary degree of attention and expectation.

On the 29th of March 1791, a message was delivered from his Majesty to both Houses of parliament, stating, that his Majesty thought it necessary to acquaint them, that the endeavours which he had used, in conjunction with his allies, to effect a pacification between Russia and the Porte, having hitherto been unsuccessful; and that the consequences which might arise from the further progress of the war, being highly important to the interest of his Majesty and his allies, and to those of Europe in general, his Majesty judged it requisite, in order to add weight to his negociations, to make some further augmentation to his naval force; and relied on the zeal and affection of parliament, for the defraying of such expences as might be incurred by those additional preparations. We have already seen that the powers who had meditated in the convention of Reichenbach, had endeavoured in vain, on the conclusion of that treaty, to incline the Empress of Russia to peace with the Porte on the same terms of the status quo, on which it had been determined that peace should be made between the Porte and Austria.

The answer constantly returned by the Empress to the pressing solicitations of the allies on this head, was, that she would admit of no interference between her and the Turks, and should consult her own discretion in whatever related to that business, without submitting to the decision of any power whatever. Alarmed however at the strength of the allied powers, and above all, at the new external relations, as well as internal situation of Poland, she offered to give up all her conquests on the Turks, excepting the town and dependencies of Oczakow, the country of the Oczakow Tartars, situated between the Bog and the Neister, the possession of which would, on the one hand, be a barrier against the eruptions of the Tartars into the territories of Russia; and, on the other, open at some future period, more auspicious then the present, to schemes of aggrandizement into the provinces, and the very heart of the Turkish empire.

The King of Prussia, the immediate successor of Frederic the Great, had shewn, as above related, a prudent and just jealousy of the ambitious designs of Catharine; and by the formation of a close alliance with Poland, and other measures, wisely endeavoured to prevent her views of aggrandizement to all, or nearly all these measures, already carried into execution, and to which Great Britain had given her countenance. We had also, in concert with Prussia and Holland, offered to mediate a peace in the east of Europe, soon after the fall of Oczakow in 1788. We restrained Denmark from joining her arms to those of Russia for assisting the Swedes: and this, with an avowed determination

of

of supporting the balance of the north. In the summer following, in 1790, we made a new treaty with Prussia: a treaty of more than defensive alliance; of strict and perpetual union, in order to protect not only the interests of the two contracting powers, but the tranquillity and security of Europe. We had now, a second time, pressed our mediation on Russia; but pressed it in vain. The Czarina not only persisted in her resolution to carry on the present war with the Turks unless she should be permitted to dictate a peace on her own terms, but seemed to have denounced a new war against another of our allies, Poland. So nearly as 1789, she had given notice that she should consider the new arrangements of the republic as a violation of her treaty and guarantee of a former arrangement; and thus prepared a plea for hostilities against that unfortunate country at a more convenient opportunity. The seeds of mutual jealousy and alienation had been sown between Great Britain and Russia from the period that the Czarina, in the time of our distress, in the American war, took the lead in the armed neutrality, for the express purpose of resisting and reducing the naval power of this country. At the expiration of the commercial treaty between Russia and England, she not only declined to renew it, but obliged our merchants to pay, in duties, 25 per cent. more than what is exacted from other countries, though they give half a year's credit for their exports, and are always a whole year in advance for their imports: and at the same time that she declined to renew any commercial treaty with us, she

made one with France, and another with Spain: in addition to which, she entered with those two kingdoms into a quadruple alliance, plainly pointed against Great Britain. In a word, the Empress of Russia, flushed with success and most strongly fortified by treaties of alliance, had assumed a menacing attitude and frowning aspect, which naturally produced a counter confederation, and excited throughout a great portion of Europe a spirit of jealousy, vigilance, and hostile resistance.

Such was the state of Europe, and such particularly that of this country in relation to Russia, at the moment when the message from his Majesty, just mentioned, was taken into consideration in the House of Commons. The minisster moved for an address to his Majesty on the occasion, after the usual form. He supported the measure that was the object of the address, on the ground that we had a direct and important interest in the war between Russia and the Porte. Having entered into defensive alliances, which were admitted to be wise and politic, we ought to adhere to them. was our ally, and ought to be supported. The progress of the Russian arms against the Porte was alarming. Should the power of the Porte be further humbled by its aspiring rival, Prussia would instantly feel it: and not Prussia alone, but all Europe itself, the political system of which might be shaken to its very foundation.

Prussia

Mr. Fox was of opinion that Prussia could not be endangered by any progress which the Russian arms could make in Turkey. The Empress offered to cede all her con

quests

quests between the Neister and the Danube; and proposed only to retain those which were situated between the Neister and the Don: but we insisted that she should surrender all her conquests without a single exception. Our only ground of quarrel, therefore, with the Empress was, her unwillingness to resign the track of country abovementioned; which although, in general, barren and unprofitable, was yet particularly desirable to her, as it contained the town of Oczakow: a place of much importance to the security of the Russian dominions. Oczakow, he remarked, was taken in the year 1788, subsequently to which period we had been informed by his Majesty from the throne, that there was every prospect of a continuance of peace. Why did not ministers follow up their system of defensive alliance with consist ency? In the negociations at Reichenbach, when they found the Emperor inclined to peace, they should have embraced the opportunity of securing the Empress by the same means, and with the same arguments. An alliance with Russia seemed to him the most natural and advantageous that we could possibly form.

Mr. Pitt contended that the aggrandizement of Russia, and the depression of Turkey, would materially affect both our political and commercial interests. The accusation against ministers of their not having taken pains to include the Empress in the negociations at Reichenbach, he considered as trivial: for, when the Emperor manifested a favourable disposition, it was thought imprudent to suspend the negociations with him, at the risk of their being entirely broken

off, in order to wait for the concur rence of the Empress.

Mr. Burke observed, that the attempt to bring the Turkish empire into consideration of the balance of Europe was extremely new, impolitical, and dangerous:-and the question seemed not to be whether Russia should not dismember the Turkish empire? but merely this, whether she should or should not retain possession of Oczakow? when the Empress consented to cede all her conquests between the Neister. and the Danube, she condescended, in his judgement, to concede more than could be well expected from a great power in the career of victory. We were, it appeared, to plunge ourselves into an immoderate expence, in order to bring christian. nations under the yoke of severe and inhuman infidels. If we acted in this wanton manner against the Empress of Russia, might we not reasonably suppose that her resentment would burst forth against us when we least expected it? when its effects would be more alarming? and when another armament would be necessary to repel her threatened vengeance?-The address was carried by a majority of only 93.-. Ayes 228. Noes 135.

By so numerous a minority, Mr. Grey was encouraged to move on the 12th of April, a series of resolutions, to the number of eight, de-. clarative of certain general and undeniable positions, with regard to the interest of this country in the preservation of peace; the just causes, and unjust pretexts for war; facts that had appeared during the hostilitics between Russia and the Porte, which did not seem immediately to involve the interests of Great Britain, or to threaten an

attack

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