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'ceive how destructive this phantom cise of the legislative power, aboof a new constitution, which is lish royalty itself; by those which made to dazzle their eyes, and be- destroy all its supports, by suppresfore which they are vainly made to sing all the intermediate ranks; by swear, must be unto them. When those which, in levelling all states, these people, neither knowing annihilate even the principle of their lawful chief, nor their dear- obedience; by those which deprive est interests, suffer themselves to monarchy of the functions most be misguided to their destruction; essential to the monarchical gowhen, blinded by deceitful pro- vernment, or which render it submises, they see not those who ex- ordinate on those which remain ; cite them to destroy the pledges of by those, in fine, which have their own security, the supporters armed the people, which have anof their repose, the principles of nulled the public force, and which, their subsistence, and all the ties of in confounding all powers, have their civil association ; it becomes introduced into France popular tynecessary to claim for them the re
ranny. establishment of all these, it be- We will protest for all the orders comes necessary to save them from of the state, because, independently their own frenzy.
of the intolerable and impossible We will protest for the religion suppression pronounced against of our fathers, which is attacked the two first orders, all have been in its dogmas and worship as well injured, harassed, despoiled ; and as its ministers; and in order to we have all at once to reclaim the supply your want of power at pre- rights of the clergy, who have dissent to discharge in your own per- played a firm and generous resistson your duties as eldest son of the ance only to the interests of heaven, church, we will assume in your and the functions of the holy miname the defence of its rights; nistry; the rights of the noblesse, we will oppose those invasions of who, more sensible of the outrages its
property which tend to degrade committed on the throne, of which it; we will rise with indignation they are the support, thar of the against acts which menace the persecution which they experience, kingdom with the horrors of sacrifice every thing to display, schism; and we loudly profess our by an illustrious zeal, that no unalterable attachment to the ec- object can prevent a French genclesiastical rules admitted in the tleman from remaining faithful to state, whose observance
have his king, his country, his honour; sworn to maintain,
the rights of the magistracy, who We will protest for the funda- regret much more than the primental maxims of the monarchy, vation of their state, to see themfrom which sire you are not per- selves reduced to lament in silence mitted to depart; which the na- the absence of justice, the impution itself has declared inviolable; nity of crimes, and the violation of and which would be totally re- laws, of which they are essentially, versed by the decrees presented to depositaries ; in fine, the rights of you; especially by those which, in all possessors, since in France there excluding the king from all exer- is no property which has been re
spected, no honest citizens who which will not, in reality, cease till have not suffered.
your people have returned to their How can you, sire, give a sincere duty, and your troops to their obeand valid approbation to the pre- dience; these prohibitions, which tended constitution which has pro- can have no more value than all duced so many evils ? Depositary that you have done before your and possessor for life of the throne, departure, and which afterwards which you have inherited from you disavowed; these prohibitions, your ancestors, you can neither in fine, which would partake of alienate its primordial rights, nor the same nullity with the act of destroy the constitutive basis on approbation against which we shall which it is founded.
be obliged to protest, cannot cerBorn defender of the religion of tainly induce us to betray our duty, your states, you can neither con to sacrifice your interests, and sent to what tends to its ruin, nor
prove wanting in what France has abandon its ministers to disgrace. a right to expect from us in such
Owing to your subjects the dis- circumstances. We shall obey, charge of justice, you cannot re- sire, your real commands, in re. nounce the function, essentially sisting extorted prohibitions, and royal, to cause it to be conducted
we shall be secure of your approby tribunals legally constituted, bation in following the laws of and yourself to superintend the ad- honour. Our perfect submission ministration.
is too well known to you ever to Protector of the rights of all the appear doubtful. May we soon arorders, and of the possessions of all rive at that happy moment, when, individuals, you cannot allow them re-established in full liberty, you to be violated and annihilated by shall see us fly into your arms, the most arbitrary oppressions. there to renew the homage of our
In fine, father of your people, obedience, and set the example to you cannot abandon them to dis- all your subjects. order and anarchy.
If the guilt which encompasses Sire, your brother and lord, you, and the violence which binds
Your majesty's your hands, do not permit you to Most humble and most obedient ful6l these sacred duties, they are
brothers, not less impressed on your heart Servants and subjects, in characters that cannot be ef Louis STANISLAS XAVIER. faced, and we will accomplish CHARLES PHILLIPPE. your real will, in supplying, as much as possible, the impossibility
At the Castle of Schonburnolust, in which you now are of exercising
near Coblentz, Sept. 10, 1791. it. Should you even prohibit us, and should you even be compelled Letter to Louis XVI. from the other to call yourself free in prohibiting branches of his family accompaus, these prohibitions, evidently
nying the above. contrary to your sentiments, as they would be to the first of
your duties; these prohibitions issued YOUR august brothers having from the bosom of your captivity, been pleased to communicate to us
the letter addressed to your ma- Convention between his Majesty the jesty, permit us personally to add, Emperor and his Prussian Majesty. that we adhere to its contents with (Said to be in the hands of the Princes.) all our heart and soul; that we are HIS majesty the emperor, and impressed with the same senti- bis majesty the king of Prussia, ments, animated with the same having heard the wishes and reviews, unshaken in the same reso- presentations of monsieur (the lutions. The zeal of which they French king's brother,) and the afford us the example, is insepa- count d'Artois, do jointly declare, rable from the blood which flows that they look upon the actual in our veins, from that blood al- situation of his majesty the king of ways ready to be shed in the service France as an object of common of the state. Frenchmen and Bour- concern to all the sovereigns of Eubons, even to the bottom of our rope. They hope that this conhearts, what ought to be our indig. cern will, doubtless, be acknownation, when we see a vile faction ledged by all the powers, from return your benefits only by crimes whom assistance is required; and -insult the royal majesty-treat that, in consequence, they will not all sovereignty with contempt, refuse employing, in conjunction trample under foot laws human with their said majesties, the most and divine and pretend to esta- efficacious means 'relative to their blish their monstrous system on the forces, in order to enable the king ruins of our ancient constitution. of France to consolidate, in the
All our steps, sire, are guided by most perfect liberty, the basis of the princes, whose wisdom equals a monarchical government, suitable their valour and sensibility. In both to the rights of sovereigns, following their steps, we are secure and the welfare of the French naof firmly marching in the track of tion. Then, and in this case, their honour; and it is under their au- said majesties, the emperor and spices that we renew in your the king of Prussia, are determined hands, as princes of your blood, to act speedily, with mutual conand French gentlemen, the oath cord, and with necessary forces, to die faithful to your service. We to obtain the proposed end in comwill all perish rather than suffer the mon. triumph of guilt, the degradation Meanwhile they will give to their of the throne, and the overthrow troops necessary orders that they of the monarchy.
may be ready for putting them
selves in a state of activity. With the most profound respect, Pilnitz, Aug. 21, 1791.
Your majesty's Most humble, most obedient, and Letter from the King of the French
to the National Assembly, anmost faithful servants and subjects, Louis JOSEPH DE BOURBON,
Rouncing his resolution to accept Louis-HENRI-Joseph DE
the Constitution, Sept. 13, 1791. BOURBON,
Gentlemen, LOUIS-ANTOJNE-HENRI DE I HAVE attentively examined BOURBON.
the constitutional act, which you At Worms, the 11th of September. have offered for my acceptance.
I accept it, and will cause it to be under the hands of the new authoexecuted. This declaration might rities; and that, as the period of be sufficient at another time; at your labours approached, every day present I owe it to the interest of would confer upon it that respect, the nation, I owe it to myself, to without which the people can have make koown my motives.
neither liberty nor happiness. From the commencement of my I persisted long in this hope, and reign I have desired the reforms of my resolution did not change till abuses; and in all acts of govern- the moment when that abandoned ment have loved to take public me. Every one recollects the moopinion for a rule. Various causes, ment when I separated myself from in the number of which should be Paris; the constitution was nearly placed the situation of the finances finished, and notwithstanding, the at my accession to the throne, and authority of the laws seemed to the immense expense of an honour- weaken every day; opinion, far able war, supported for a long time from becoming settled, subdivided without increase of taxes, had es
itself into a number of parts. tablished a considerable dispropor. The most violent councils seemed tion between the revenues and the alone to obtain favour; the licenexpences of the state.
tiousness of the press was at its Struck with the magnitude of greatest height; no power was rethis evil, I did not only seek for spected. means to apply a remedy to it; I I could no longer recognize the also perceived the necessity of pre- character of the general will in the venting its return. I formed a laws, which I saw were without plan for insuring the happiness of force and without execution. I the people upon a permanent basis, am free to say, that if you had and for subjecting to invariable then presented the constitution to rules even the sovereign authority, me, I should not have believed of which I am the depositary. I that the interest of the people, the called the nation around me to constant and only rule of my conexecute it.
duct, permitted me to accept it. During the events of the revolu- I had but one sentiment; I formed tion, my intentions never varied. but one plan; I wished to get at a When, after having reformed the distance from all parties, and to ancient institutions, you began to
know what was the real wish of the substitute the first essays
nation. labour, I did not wait to give my
The motives which would then consent to them till the entire con- have directed me do not now exist; stitution should be made known to since that time, the inconveni. me; I favoured the establishment encies and evils of which I comof its parts, even before it was plain, bave appeared to you as well possible to judge of the whole; as to me; you have discovered a and if the disorders which have wish for the re-establishment of accompanied almost all the periods order; you have directed your atof the revolution, too often oc- tention to the want of discipline in curred to afflict my heart, I hoped the army; you have acknowledged that the law would recover its force the necessity of restraining the
abuses of the press. A revision of means which the constitution has your labours has placed in the num- reserved to it. ber of regulatory laws several ar- But, gentlemen, for the confirticles which have been presented mation of liberty, for the stability to me as constitutional. You have of the constitution, for the indivi. established legal forms for the re- dual happiness of all the French, vision of those, which you have there are interests upon which an placed in the constitution. In imperious duty prescribes to us the short, the sentiments of the people re-union of all our efforts; these no longer appear doubtful to me: interests are, respect to the laws, I have seen them manifest them- the establishment of order, and selves, at once by their adherence the re-union of all the citizens.to your work, and by their attach- Now that the constilution is definiment to the maintenance of a mo- tively decreed, Frenchmen living narchical government.
under the same laws should know I accept, then, the constitution; no enemies but those who break I accept the engagement to main- them. — Discord and anarchy tain it within the kingdom, to de- these are our common enemies. fend it against all attacks from I will combat them with all ny without, and to cause it to be ex- power: it is necessary that you ecuted by all the means which it and your successors should assist me puts in my power.
with energy, in order that, without I declare, that, being informed desiring dominion over the mind, of the attachment of the great ma. the law may equally protect all jority of the people to the consti- those who submit to it in their tution, I renounce the concurrence actions; that those whom the fear which I claimed in this work ; and of persecutions and troubles has that being responsible only to the driven from their country, may be nation, no other, after my renun- certain, upon returning to it, of ciation, has a right to emplain. finding security and tranquillity.
I should, notwithstanding, fail in In order to extinguish hatreds, and my attention to truth, if I said, 10 soften the evils which a great that I perceived in the means of revolution brings with it; that the execution and of administration all law may from henceforward begin the energy which will be necessary to receive its full execution, let to give motion and preserve the us consent to forget what is past, unity of all parts of so vast an em- that the accusations and prosepire; but, since opinions are now cutions, which have originated . divided upon these subjects, I only in the events of the revolu-, consent that experience alone shall tion, may be abolished in a gene. remain the judge. When I have ral reconciliation. I speak not of put into action, with fidelity, all those who have been influenced, ihe means which have been en- only by their attachment to me; trusted to me, no reproach can be -can you think them culpable? directed 'to me; and the nation, As to those, who by excesses, in whose interest alone should be the which I can perceive personal inrule, will explain itself by the juries, have drawn upon them.