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We protest for the people, who, in their delirium, cannot perceive how destructive this phantom of a new constitution, which is made to dazzle their eyes, and before which they are vainly made to swear, must become to them. When these people, neither knowing their lawful chief nor their dearest interests, suffer themselves to be misguided to their destruction; when, blinded by deceitful promises, they see not those who excite them to destroy the pledges of their own security, the supporters of their repose, the principles of their subsistence, and all the ties of their civil association; it becomes necessary to claim for them the re-establishment of all these; it becomes necessary to save them from their own frenzy.

We protest for the religion of our fathers, which is attacked in its dogmas and worship, as well as its ministers; and in order to supply the monarch's want of power at present to discharge in his own person his duties as eldest son of the church, we assume in his name the defence of its rights; we oppose those invasions of its property which tend to degrade it; we rise with indignation against acts which menace the kingdom with the horrors of schism; and we loudly profess our unalterable attachment to the ecclesiastical rules admitted in the state, the observance of which he has sworn to maintain.

We protest for the fundamental maxims of the monarchy, from which the king is not permitted to depart; which the nation itself has declared to be inviolable; and which would be totally reversed by the decrees which abolish royalty

itself, by suppressing all the intermediate ranks; by those which deprive monarchy of the functions most essential to monarchical government.

In fine, we protest in the presence of the Supreme Being, and in the name of eternal justice, for all orders of the state, and for all Frenchmen.

This protest, signed along with us by all the princes of the blood who are connected with us, is common to all the house of Bourbon, on whom their eventual rights to the crown impose the duty of defending the august deposit.

(Signed)

LOUIS-STANISLAUS-XAVIER.
CHARLES-PHILLIPPE.

L. JOSEPH De Bourbon.
L. HENRI Jos. DE BOURBON.
L. A. H. De Bourbon.
Coblentz, Oct. 8, 1791.

Proclamation of the Brothers of the King of France, to dispel the suspicions which have arisen, of their intention to dethrone their Brother.

OUR honour induces us loudly to publish a profession of faith, to which we mean to adhere on the present and every future occasion.

To re-establish the respect due to the Christian religion and its ministers; to restore to the king his freedom and legal authority; to the different orders of the state their proper rights, founded on the laws of the monarchy; to every citizen, his property; to the kingdom, its ancient and iminutable constitution; to all Frenchmen,

and

and particularly to the inhabitants of country places, security, tranquillity, and the administration of justice, of which they have been deprived; such is the only end we propose, and for which, if it is necessary, we are ready even to spill the last drop of our blood. Never did any personal ambition sully the purity of these views! We here declare it on the honour of gentlemen; and, at the same time, give the formal lie to every contrary allegation.

Answer of the French King's Brothers to his Majesty's Letter.

Sire,

WE have received the letter

which your majesty has condescend

-

ed to write to us. We shall not examine whether, in effect, your

majesty has accepted freely the constitution which has been presented to you; all Europe knows what to think of it. We shall not discuss this constitution, the prin-. ciples of which are as erroneous as they are impolitic; and we shall content ourselves with observing, that it is the work of seditious persons, who have neither right nor delegation to make it. We must further request of your majesty, permission to remark to you, that you have only the usufructuary possession of your kingdom, that you must account for it with your successors, and that you are bound to transmit it to them such as you have received it from your ancestors.

Inconformity to these reflections, sire, which will certainly be approved by every good Frenchman, we cannot conceal from you our determination to make use of all

the means which are in our power to re-establish your throne, which a factious band has shaken to its very foundations, and to restore to it its stability and lustre, that your majesty and your descendants may enjoy it as it has been enjoyed by the kings your predecessors.

We shall conclude, sire, by protesting to your majesty, that you have no subjects more faithful than ourselves, and that our veneration for your sacred person is equal to the boundless attachment which we have vowed to you, and which we shall preserve to the end of our lives.

(Signed)

LOUIS STANISLAUS XAVIER.
CHARLES PHillippe.

Coblentz, Nov. 16, 1791.

Substance of a Partition treaty be

tween the Courts in concert, said to be concluded and signed at Pavia, in the Month of July, 1791.

(The authenticity of this Treaty has, we think, on good foundation been called in question, but having given rise to much speculation, we should not have done our duty had we omitted it.)

HIS majesty the emperor will retake all that Louis XIV. conquered in the Austrian Netherlands; and uniting these provinces to the said Netherlands, will give them to his serene highness the elector Palatine, so that these new possessions added to the palatinate, may hereafter have the name of Austrasia.

His majesty the emperor will preserve

preserve for ever the property and possession of Bavaria, to make in future an indivisible mass with the domains and hereditary possessions of the house of Austria.

- Her serene highness the Archduchess Maria Christina shall be, conjointly with his serene highness her nephew, the archduke Charles, put into hereditary possession of the duchy of Lorraine.

Alsace shall be restored to the empire, and the bishop ef Strasburgh, as well as the chapter, shall recover their ancient privileges, and the ecclesiastical sovereigns of Germany shall do the same.

If the Swiss cantons consent and accede to the coalition, it may be proposed to them to annex to the Helvetic league the bishoprick of Potentrui, the defiles of FrancheComté, and even those of Tyrol, with the neighbouring bailiwicks, as well as the territory of Versoy, which intersects the Pays de Vaud. Should his majesty the king of Sardinia subscribe to the coalition, La Bresse, La Bugey, and the Pays de Gex usurped by France from Savoy, shall be restored to him.

In case his Sardinian majesty can make a grand diversion, he shall be suffered to take Dauphiny to belong to him for ever, as the nearest descendant of the ancient Dauphins.

His majesty the king of Spain shall have Rousillon and Bearn, with the island of Corsica, and he shall take possession of the French part of Saint-Domingo.

Her majesty the empress of all the Russias shall take upon herself the invasion of Poland, and at the same time retain Kaminieck, with that part of Padolia which borders on Moldavia.

His majesty the emperor shall oblige the Porte to give up Choczim, as well as the small forts of Servia, and those on the river Lurna.

His majesty the king of Prussia, by means of the above-mentioned invasion of the empress of all the Russias into Poland, shall make an acquisition of Thorn and Dantzic, and there unite the Palatinate on the east to the confines of Silesia.

His majesty the king of Prussia shall besides acquire Lusace, and his serene highness the elector of Saxony shall in exchange receive the rest of Poland, and occupy the throne as hereditary sovereign.

His majesty the present king of Poland shall abdicate the throne on receiving a suitable annuity.

His royal highness the elector of Saxony shall give his daughter in marriage to his serene highness, the youngest son of his royal highness the grand duke of all the Russias, who will be the father of the race of the hereditary kings of Poland and Lithuania.

(Signed) "LEOPOLD.

"PRINCE NASSAU, "COUNT FLOR. BLANCA, "BISCHOFFSWERDER."

VOL. XXXIII.

Р

The

The following are said to be the secret Articles of the Treaty signedpersonally at Pilnitz by the Emperor and King of Prussia, on the 27th of August, 1791. They may be found in the Leyden Gazette, towards the conclusion of that year, at which time they were in general circulation and credit on the Continent, though never avowed by the parties, and they never were officially promulgated.

I. ΤΟ undertake in concert effectual measures for the maintenance of treaties which exist with France, to give weight to the representations yet to be made to that nation, and to invite all Europe to concur therein, in case these friendly representations should be unproductive.

II. The two parties, as soon as possible, will endeavour to bring the court of Petersburg into their design of raising the house of Saxony to the succession of the crown of Poland.

III. They respectively reserve to themselves the power of changing, at their pleasure, any of their present or future acquisitions, observing in these changes the extent

of the revenue, and likewise the constitution of the Germanic body. And in consequence they will treat with whomsoever this exchange

may concern.

IV. They will also treat respecting the diminution of their dif ferent armies, as soon as their concerns with foreign powers will admit.

V. His Prussian majesty promises to the archduke Francis his vote to be king of the Romans, and likewise that he will not oppose any thing that may be provided for any of the archdukes, upon condition that it does not infringe on the Germanic constitution.

VI. In return the emperor will employ his good offices with the court of Petersburg and the republic of Poland in favour of the king of Prussia's pretensions to the cities of Thorn and Dantzic; but again, in return, his imperial majesty expects that his Prussian majesty will exert himself with Britain and the states-general of the United Provinces in behalf of the wished-for modifications concluded in convention at the Hague on the subject of Belgic affairs.*

Agreement

The preceding articles gave great uneasiness to many of the German princes, and particularly to the elector of Bavaria, to quiet whose apprehensions the Prussian minister soon after declared, in a formal note, at Munich, "That his Prussian majesty was much concerned to hear that the report of a design to exchange Bavaria was the result of the convention concluded at Pilnitz between the emperor and the king of Prussia, and that it began to spread throughout the empire and to obtain credit; that his majesty thought it his duty formally to contradict this maliciously invented report, as he never would depart from the engagements entered into at the peace of Teschen, or the Germanic league. Finally, that he was certain that this report, and other falsehoods of the same nature, would die away of themselves as soon as the public should be satisfied that the connexions on the subject of which such unfounded alarms had taken place, had merely for conditions and object the maintenance of the Germanic constitution, and the care of the welfare of each individual member of the empire."

Agreement entered into at Pilnitz between the Emperor and the King of Prussia 27th August 1791. (For this, see note to History of Europe, page 72.)

Manifesto of the French Nation, decreed by the National Assembly, December 29, 1791, and ordered to be delivered by the Ministers to all the Courts in Europe.

AT

Ta moment when, for the first time since the epoch of their liberty, the French people may see themselves reduced to the necessity of exercising the terrible right of war, their representatives owe to Europe, to all mankind, an account of the motives which have guided their resolutions, and an exposition of the principles which direct their conduct. The French nation renounces the undertaking of the war with the view of making conquests, and will never employ her forces against the liberty of any state. Such is the text of their constitution; such is the sacred vow upon which they have connected their own happiness with the happiness of every other people, and they will be faithful to them.

But who can consider that a friendly territory, in which exists an army waiting only the prospect of success for the moment of attack?

Is it not equivalent to a declaration of war, to give places of strength not only to enemies who have already declared, but to conspirators who have long since commenced it? Every thing, therefore, imposes upon the powers established

by the constitution for maintaining the peace and the safety of the public, the imperious law of employing force against rebels, who from the bosom of a foreign land, threaten to tear their country in pieces.

The right of nations violatedthe dignity of the French people insulted-the criminal abuse of the king's name employed by impostors to veil their disastrous projects--their distrust kept up by sinister rumours through the whole empire---the obstacles occasioned by this distrust to the execution of the laws, and the re-establishment of credit-the means of corruption exerted to delude and seduce the citizens the disquiets which agitate the inhabitants of the frontiers-the evils to which attempts, the most vain and the most speedily repulsed, may expose them-the outrages, always always unpunished, which they have experienced on the territories where the revolted French find an asylum-the necessity of not allowing the rebels time to complete their preparations, or raise up more dangerous against their country-such are our motives.

Never did more

just or more urgent exist. And in the picture which we have drawn, we have rather softened than over-charged our injuries. We have no occasion to rouse the indignation of citizens in order to inflame their courage.

The French nation, however, will never cease to consider as a friendly people, the inhabitants of the territory occupied by the rebels, and governed by princes who offer them protection. The peaceful citizens whose country armies may

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