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To succeed in their designs, it was necessary they should take the audacious measure of depriving us both of a right, which their own decrees gave us, to the regency. Sufficient time has elapsed to judge of the effect which this new crime has produced upon the sovereigns of Europe, and more especially upon your majesty; but if they can be persuaded of your indifference, or of the prevalence of a dilatory system, which is equally dangerous, they will hasten to consummate their crimes; they will annihilate the phantom of royalty which they now suffer to exist; they will make an attempt on the life of the queen; and they will elect a thief, by bestowing the regency upon the duke of Orleans.

We do not advance any thing of which we are not certain; and your majesty may be persuaded, that we speak not the language of exaggeration.

But, sire, by a single word, by a single action, which will prove the firmness of your resolutions, not only will your majesty disconcert all the projects of our enemies; but the change of opinions is such, the discredit of the assembly so great, that at one and the same instant an insurrection will take place in all parts of the kingdom, and more especially in the heart of the capital, where the people are kept in subjection by the audacity of the rebels alone.

What we now demand of your majesty is, that you will be pleased to make a public declaration on purpose to assure the French princes of your protection, and also the other French, whose zeal, and the purity of whose principles,

have obliged them to leave the kingdom."

There is nothing personal in our conduct; we act only for honour, which is our sole recompence; nothing can deprive us of it.

But it is left for your majesty to consider whether you will guarantee the life of the king and of the queen, and produce the best and greatest effects by a measure which will not any way affect you; or whether you chuse to leave the dearest and most precious claims to the chance of events, and the audacity of crimes.

We are,

With the most respectful sentiments, &c.

Note of the Spanish Minister at the Court of Vienna, delivered the 30th of November, 1791, to the Imperial Minister.

IN

N consequence of the orders of his court, the undersigned envoy extraordinary has the honour, in the name of the king his master, officially to declare to the imperial minister, that his majesty participates with the empress of Russia and his Catholic majesty the same sentiments for the re-establishment of the French monarchy, and with them the king regards his most Christian majesty as in a state of captivity, notwithstanding the acceptance that he has made of the constitution; that, agreeing in the principles and conduct of the empress of Russia, he has sent the baron Oxenstern to the French princes as an envoy; and that he

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Office of the Chancellor of the Court and State.

RINCE Kaunitz Rietbergh,

But that discontents began to spread between his subjects and those in the environs; that the tranquillity of his frontiers and states were likely to be troubled by incursions and violences, notwithstanding this wise measure; and that the elector claimed the assistance of the emperor, in case the event realised his fears.

That the emperor is perfectly tranquil on the just and moderate intentions of the most Christian king, and not less convinced of the great interest which the French government has in preventing foreign sovereign princes from be

PRINCE of the court and ing provoked to act against them

state, having presented to the emperor the official communication made by the French ambassador, he has been authorised to express, in return to the said ambassador, an answer with that entire freedom which his imperial majesty thinks it his duty to observe on all objects relative to the important crisis in which the kingdom of France is.

The chancellor has, in consequence, the honour to communicate, on his side, that the elector of Treves has also sent to the emperor a note, which the minister of France was charged to present him at Coblentz, as likewise the answer which the elector gave to the said note; that this prince, at the same time, had made known to his Imperial majesty, that he had adopted respecting the assembling and arming of the French refugees and emigrants, with regard to the furnishing them with arms and warlike ammunition the same principles and regulations as had been put in force in the Austrian Low Countries.

by force of arms; but daily experience shows, that there does not appear principles of stability and moderation enough in France, in the subordination of her powers, and especially in the provinces and municipalities, to prevent the apprehensions that the force of arms must be exercised in spite of the king's intentions, and in spite of the dangers of the consequences

His imperial majesty, necessitated, as well by his friendship for the elector of Treves, as by the consideration he owes to the interest of Germany as a co-estate, and to his own interest as a neighbour, has enjoined marshal de Bender, commandant general of the troops in the Pays Bas, to march to the states of his electoral highness speedy and efficacious succours, in case he should be attacked with hostile incursions, or even imminently menaced with such.

The emperor is too sincerely attached to his most Christian majesty, and is too desirous of the well-being of France, and the ge

neral

neral repose, not to desire ardently the prevention of this extremity, and the infallible consequences which it will produce, as well on the part of the chief and the states of the German empire, as of other sovereigns, who have united in concert to maintain the public tranquillity, and for the safety and honour of crowns; and it is in consequence of this latter that the chancellor prince Kaunitz is ordered to be open and unreserved to the ambassador of France, to whom he has the honour of repeating his assurances of having the most distinguished consideration.

Dated Vienna, Dec. 21, 1791.

Letter from the King to the National Assembly, brought by a Message, December 31.

I

Gentlemen,

HAVE charged the minister for foreign affairs to communicate to you the official note which the emperor has caused to be delivered to the ambassador from France at Vienna. This notice, I must say, has caused me the greatest astonishment. I had a right to reckon on the sentiments of the emperor, and of his desire of preserving with France the good intelligence and all the connexions that ought to subsist between two allies. I cannot yet think that his dispositions are changed: I wish to persuade myself that he has been deceived respecting the true state of facts; that he has supposed that the elector of Treves had fulfilled the duties of justice and good neighbour

hood; and that, nevertheless, this prince had cause to fear that his states might be exposed to vio lences, or particular incursions.

In the answer which I have given to the emperor, I repeat to him, that I have demanded nothing but what is just from the elector of Treves, and nothing but what the emperor himself had given an example of. I remind him of the care the French nation took immediately to prevent the assembling of the Brabanters, when they attempted it in the neighbourhood of the Austrian Pays Bas. Finally, I renew to him the wish of France for the preservation of peace; but at the same time I declare, that if, after the epoch which I have fixed, the elector of Treves has not really and effectually dispersed the assemblages which exist in his states, nothing shall prevent me from proposing to the national assembly, as I have already announced, to employ force of arms to constrain it.

If this declaration does not produce the effect which I have a right to hope; if the destiny of France, is, to have to fight with her children and her allies, I shall make known to Europe the justness of our cause. The French people will support it by their courage; and the nation will see that I have no interest but her's; and that I shall ever maintain her dignity and her safety, as the most essential of my duties.

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The Speech of George Washington, President of the United States of America, to both Houses of Congress, Oct. 25th, 1791.

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives.

MEET you,upon the present occasion, with the feelings which are naturally inspired by a strong impression of the prosperous situation of our common country, and by a persuasion equally strong, that the labours of the session, which has just commenced, will, under the guidance of a spirit no less prudent than patriotic, issue in measures conducive to the stability and increase af national property.

Numerous as are the providential blessings which demand our grateful acknowledgments, the abundance with which another year has again rewarded the industry of the husbandman is too important to escape recollection.

Your own observations in your respective situations will have satisfied you of the progressive state of agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and navigation. In tracing their causes, you will have remarked with particular pleasure the happy effects of that revival of confidence, public, as well as private, to which the constitution and laws of the United States have so eminently contributed; and you will observe, with no less interest, new and decisive proofs of the increasing reputation and credit of the nation. But you, nevertheless, cannot fail to derive satisfaction from the confirmation of these circumstances, which will be disclosed in the several official communications that will be

made to you in the course of our deliberations.

The rapid subscriptions to the bank of the United States, which completed the sum allowed to be subscribed in a single day, is among the striking and pleasing evidences which present themselves, not only of confidence in the govern◄ ment, but of resource in the community.

In the interval of your recess due attention has been paid to the execution of the different objects which were especially provided for by the laws and resolutions of the last session.

Among the most important of these is the defence and security of the western frontiers. To accomplish it on the most humane principles, was a primary wish.

Accordingly, at the same time that treaties have been provisionally concluded, and other proper means used to attach the wavering, and to confirm in their friendship the welldisposed tribes of Indians-effectual measures have been adopted to make those of a hostile description sensible, that a pacification was desired upon terms of moderation and justice.

These measures having proved unsuccessful, it became necessary to convince the refractory of the power of the United States to punish their depredations; offensive operations have therefore been directed-to be conducted, however, as consistently as possible with the dictates of humanity. Some of these have been crowned with full success, and others are yet depending. The expeditions which have been completed were carried on under the authority, and at the expence of the United States, by the militia of Kentucky

Kentucky, whose enterprise, intrepidity, and good conduct, are entitled to peculiar commendation.

Overtures of peace are still continued to the deluded tribes, and considerable numbers of individuals belonging to them have lately renounced all further opposition, removed from their former situations, and placed themselves under the immediate protection of the United States.

It is sincerely to be desired, that all need of coercion in future may cease, and that an intimate intercourse may succeed, calculated to advance the happiness of the Indians, and to attach them firmly to the United States.

In order to this, it seems necessary

That they should experience the benefits of an impartial dispensation of justice.

That the mode of alienating their lands, the main source of discontent and war, should be so defined and regulated as to obviate imposition, and, as far as may be practicable, controversy concerning the reality and extent of the alienations which are made. That commerce with them should be permitted under regulations tending to secure an equitable deportment towards them, and that such rational experiments should be made for imparting to them the blessings of civilization as may from time to time suit their condition.

That the executive power of the United States should be enabled to employ the means to which the Indians have been long accustomed, for uniting their immediate interests with the preservation of peace. And,

That efficacious provision should be made for inflicting adequate penalties upon all those who, by violating their rights, shall infringe the treaties and endanger the peace of the union.

A system corresponding with the mild principles of religion and philanthropy toward an unenlightened race of men, whose happiness materially depends on the conduct of the United States, would be as honourable to the national character, as conformable to the dictates of sound policy.

The powers specially vested in me by the act laying certain duties on distilled spirits, which respect the sub-divisions of the districts into surveys, the appointment of officers, and the assignment of compensations, have likewise been carried into effect. In a matter, in which both materials and experience were wanting to guide the calculation, it will be readily conceived that there must have been difficulty in such an adjustment of the rates of compensation, as would conciliate a reasonable competency with a proper regard to the limits prescribed by the law. It is hoped, that the circumspection which has been used, will be found in the result to have secured the last of the two objects: but it is probable, that with a view to the first, in some instances, a revision of the provision will be found adviseable.

The impressions with which this law has been received by the community have been, upon the whole, such as were to be expected among enlightened and well disposed citizens, from the propriety and necessity of the measure. The novelty, however, of the tax, in a consider

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