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where those laws which affect their fortunes or their liberties, have been enforced. Prosecutions against them have received no aid from the Legislature, no countenance from the courts of justice, no encouragement from the magistracy, and no favour from the people. Informers against them have been universally despised. The most virtuous and enlightened men of the age have been their advocates. The nation is their friend, the letter of the law their only enemy. To that it is owing that they still languish under disabilities which cramp their industry, prevent their providing for their families, drive them from their own country for education, obtrude them on foreigners for their subsistence, and make them, as it were, aliens among their fellow subjects.

That the doctrine of general toleration universally prevails; and that no plea can be urged for tolerating, in foreign countries, the dissidents from the mode of worship established there, which may not with as great propriety be urged for tolerating in England those of the catholic persuasion.

Upon these grounds, your memorialists hope for your concurrence and support on their intended application for redress of their griev

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committee of the revolution society, subsequent to the atrocious riots which have taken place at Birmingham, to express our concern and regret at those acts of lawless violence by which you have been so great a sufferer, and which have reflected such extreme dishonour on this age and on this nation.

It might have been presumed, that the most ignorant and lawless savages would not have been induced to commit such depredations on the house and property of a man of such distinguished merit as yourself, to whom the whole scientific world has been so eminently indebted, and in whose works those principles of equal liberty have been asserted, and maintained, which would protect even the lowest of the human species from violence and oppression. As a political writer, you have been employed in disseminating the most just and rational sentiments of government, and such as are in a very high degree calculated to promote general freedom and happiness.

The conduct of the Birmingham rioters implied in it a complication of ignorance and brutality, which it is astonishing to find, at the present period, in such a country as Great Britain. Nothing but the most execrable bigotry, united to ignorance the most contemptible, could lead any body of men to suppose, that such acts of violence as were lately exercised at Birmingham against yourself and other respectable dissenters in that town and its neighbourhood, could be justified by any difference of opinion. We hoped that the age had been more enlightened; that it had been universally admitted, that no country can be possessed of free

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dom in which every man is not allowed to worship God according to the dictates of his own conscience, and in which he is not permitted to defend his opinions. We hoped, also, that the principles of civil liberty had been so well understood, and so universally adopted, that few would have been found in this country who would not sincerely have rejoiced in the emancipation of a neighbouring kingdom from Tyranny, and in such events as are calculated to promote general liberty and happiness.

It is with exultation and triumph that we see the success of the late just, necessary, and glorious revolution in France; an event so pregnant with the most important benefits to the world, that not to rejoice in it would be unworthy of us as freemen, and as friends to the general rights of human nature; and to ascribe to the commemoration of the French revolution the late devastations committed at Birmingham, would be to insult the understandings of mankind.

We are sorry to find, that so many of our countrymen still need to be instructed in the first principles of civil and religious freedom. But we still hope that the period is not far distant, when the common rights of mankind will be universally acknowledged; when civil and ecclesiastical tyranny shall be banished from the face of the earth, and when it shall not be found practicable to procure any licentious mobs to support the cause of an ignorant and interested intoler.

ance.

We again express our deep concern at the iniquitous riots which have lately happened at Birming

ham; at the acts of violence and injustice which have been exercised against you and your friends; and at the loss science and literature have sustained in the destruction of your books, manuscripts, and philosophical apparatus.

We rejoiced in the security of your person, notwithstanding the malevolence of your adversaries; and at the magnanimity with which you have sustained the injuries that you have received.

Permit us to intreat you to convey our cordial and affectionate condolence to your fellow sufferers in the cause of freedom and public virtue. As to yourself, we desire to testify in the most public manner the high sense we entertain of your merit; and we beg leave to subscribe ourselves, with great respect and regard, rev. sir, your most obedient, and most humble servants,

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The committee of the revolution society of London. (L.S.) BENJAMIN COOPER, Sec. The Rev. Joseph Priestly, LL.D.

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Address of the Students at the new college, Hackney, to Dr.Priestly, in consequence of the Birmingham riots, Rev. Sir,

WH

HEN various societies are expressing their sense of your great merit, and sorrow for your late sufferings, we hope that, without any violation of modesty, we too may appear among the number; and young as we are, yet dearly loving truth and liberty, avow our warm attachment to their distinguished, their persecuted, advocate. The loss which the world of science and of letters must sus tain in the destruction of your MSS, and interruption of your studies, we deeply feel, and deepLy lament; for how can we be lovers of our brethren, or even of our ownselves, without deploring every hindrance of labours excited by no sordid views, but intended to enlighten and improve man, kind? we presume, not to appreciate these labours; whatever be their value, they are sanctified by their object; and our indignation inust be roused when any daring hand violates the retirement of a person thus employed.

Yet we are sure that your studies, though for a while interrupted, will be soon resumed; we are con fident that your future publications will display the same manly spirit, will contain the same open avowal of what you deem important truth, which has ever characterised your productions; for you sought not the applause of the multitude, you cannot then be disappointed at finding them ignorant of your value,, and is not the hatred of all the hireling advocates of corruption a proof that your labours have

been successful? why should they wish to extinguish the light, if it did not exhibit their own deformity? yourfriends have long acknow ledged the justice of your reason. ings but their judgments might be partial; this testimony of your ene mies, however disagreeably expres sed, is liable to no exception; they would not hate you if they did not fear you.

Another circumstance which must have alleviated your sufferings, is the steady attachment which so many of your friends have display. ed; not a few have publicly expressed it, and doubtless there are many others who, formerly content with admiring your writings, will now extend their admiration to your character, and, powerful as those arguments may be by which cer tain of your philosophical opinions are supported, will acknowledge that their practical influence, dis played in your conduct, affords an argument still more forcible,

You have, sir, one further com solation, Though lawless violence may destroy your writings, may destroy yourself, it cannot extinguish that spirit of enquiry; it cannot eradicate those generous sentiments which you and the other enlighten. ers of Europe have excited; we trust that multitudes have, that multitudes will, imbibe them; we trust that our love of truth and liberty flows not from the wild and irregular enthusiasm of youth but is the effect of conviction and principle. Our bosoms glow with the idea of one day pursuing, with however unequal steps, the course which you have pointed quts of entering, even in the lowest capacity, that glorious phalanx which, in contending for the rights, contends for the happiness, of man:

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we earnestly hope, that neither the blandishments of pleasure, nor the frowns of power, will be able to retard our progress; we earnestly pray that nothing this world can offer may draw us from the path of duty-for that path, we are convinced, leads to heaven.

Hackney College, Sept. 20, 1791.

Dr. Priestley's Answer to the
Address of the Students.
GENTLEMEN,

VOUR address, as that of young men of sufficient age to think with justness, as well as to feel with ardour, gives me a peculiar pleasure, as it holds out a certain prospect, that the cause of truth and liberty will not want supporters, when all those of my age shall have finished their course.

You see in the riots at Birming. ham how naturally a failure in argument leads to violence, and also how certainly that violence defeats its own end.-A hierarchy, equally the bane of christianity and of rational liberty, now confesses its weakness; and be assured, that you will see either its complete reformation or its fall. Be it your ambition, my young friends, to join the small but noble band of those who by action, or what is more honourable as well as more effectual, by suffering, maintain the rights of all men, civil and religious. Whether you be destined for speculative or active life, you will not want op portunities of distinguishing yourselves in this glorious cause; and of youth we naturally expect a generous ardour in favour of whatever is true and right, independent of

private interest, or of that of any particular portion of the human race.

As good citizens, study the welfare of your country; but look beyond that, to those great principles, which will insure the happiness of all Europe and of all mankind. Such principles as these now excite general attention, and your tutors will give you every assistance that you can want in the discussion of them. Shew then by your superior intelligence and activity the superiority of your advantages over those of other insti tutions, which, instead of expanding the mind, by encouraging freedom of enquiry, effectually fetter its powers, by a sworn attachment to a particular system, formed in an age of universal and acknowledged barbarism. Where the sons of those insitutions are diffusing their darkness, do you bring your light; assured that the same grand luminary which has arisen on America, France, and Poland, and which has taught them all universal toleration in matters of religion, will illuminate the whole world, and that, in consequence of it, all' mankind will be free, peaceable, and happy.

Give me leave to close this address with reminding you, how much the credit of the college de⚫ pends upon the diligence and good behaviour of you who are students in it, and of the connexion which the good of your country and of the world has with the credit of that institution.

With sincere affection, and every good wish, I am, gentlemen, your very humble servant,

J. PRIESTLEY.
London, Sept. 22, 1791.

New

New Constitution of the Government of Poland, as established May, 1791.

IN THE NAME OF GOD, ONE IN THE HOLY TRINITY.

Stanislaus Augustus, by the grace of God, and the will of the Nation, King of Poland, &c. &c. together with the Confederate States assembled in double number to represent the Polish nation.

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YONVINCED by a long train of experience of many defects in our government: and willing to profit by the favourable moment which has restored us to ourselves; free from the disgraceful shackles of foreign influence; prizing more than life the external independence and internal liberty of the nation; in order to exert our natural rights with zeal and firmness, we do solemnly establish the present constitution, which we declare wholly inviolable in every part till such period as shall be prescribed by law; when the nation, if it should think fit, may alter by its express will such articles therein as shall be found inadequate.

Art. I. The dominant national religion. The holy roman catholic faith, with all its privileges and immunities, shall be the dominant national religion: but as the same holy religion commands us to love our neighbours, we therefore owe to all people of whatever persuasion, peace in matters of faith, and the protection of government: consequently, we assure to all persuasions and religions, freedom and liberty, according to the laws of the country, and in all dominions of the republic.

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Art. II. Nobility or the equestrian order.-Revering the memory of our ancestors with gratitude, as the first founders of our liberties, it is but just to acknowledge, in a most solemn manner, that all the pre-eminence and prerogatives of liberty, granted to this order by Casimir the Great, &c. &c. &c. are by the present act renewed confirmed and declared to be inviolable. We acknowledge the rank of the noble equestrian order in Poland to be equal to all degrees of nobility-all persons of that order to be equal among themselves, not only in the eligibility to all posts of honour, trust, or emolument, but in the enjoyment of all privileges and prerogatives; personal liberty, and security of territorial and moveable property; nor shall we even suffer the least encroachment on either by the supreme national power (on which the present form of government is established), under any pretext whatsoever; consequently, we regard the preservation of personal security and property, as by law ascertained, to be a tie of society, and the very essence of civil liberty which ought to be considered and respected for ever.

Art. III. Towns and citizens.The law made by the present diet, intituled, "Our royal free towns within the dominions of the republic," we mean to consider as a part of the present constitution, and promise to maintain it as a new, additional, true, and effectual support of our common liberties, and our mutual defence.

Art. IV. Peasants and villagers -This agricultural class of people, the most numerous in the nation, consequently the most considerable

part

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