country, and will be able to perform the great business of currency and exchange, even though it exist in quantities exceeding, by many millions, the demands of Government.

revenue

If it be necessary, sir, at this day, to refute ideas like these, it must be because the history of all countries, our own included, is a dead letter to us. Even at the very moment in which I am speaking, the small amount of Treasury notes which has been issued by Government, hardly a fifth part of the ordinary annual though those notes bear an interest of five per cent. though they are redeemable in cash at the Treasury, at the expiration of the year—and though, in the mean time, they are every where received in Government dues, are not only of less value than specie, but of less value, also, than the notes of non-speciepaying banks; those banks whose paper is daily denounced here as "rags, filthy rags." In my opinion, sir, the whole scheme is as visionary and impracticable as any which the genius of project ever produced.

Mr. President, toward the close of this speech of September, I find a paragraph in which several other subjects are brought together, and which I must ask permission to read.

Having commended the wise and noble bearing of the little Staterights party, of which he says it is his pride to be a member throughout the eventful period through which the country has passed since 1824, he adds:

"In that year, as I have stated, the tariff system triumphed in the councils of the nation. We saw its disastrous political bearings; foresaw its surpluses, and the extravagances to which it would lead; we rallied on the election of the late President to arrest it through the influence of the executive department of the Government. In this we failed. We then fell back upon the rights and sovereignty of the States; and, by the action of a small but gallant State, and through the potency of its interposition, we brought the system to the ground, sustained, as it was, by the opposition and the administration, and by the whole power and patronage of the Government."

Every part of this most extraordinary statement well deserves

attention.

In the first place, sir, here is an open and direct avowal that the main object for rallying on General Jackson's first election, was to accomplish the overthrow of the protecting policy of the country. Indeed! Well, this is very frank. I am glad to hear the avowal made. It puts an end to all suspicions.

It was, then, to overthrow protection, was it, that the honorable gentleman took so much pains to secure General Jackson's first election? I commend his candor in now acknowledging it. But, sir, the honorable member had allies and associates in that rally;

they thronged round him from all quarters, and zealously followed his lead. And pray, sir, was his object, as now avowed by himself, the joint object of all the party? Did he tell Pennsylvania, honest, intelligent, straight-forward Pennsylvania, that such was his purpose? And did Pennsylvania concur in it? Pennsylvania was first and foremost in espousing the cause of General Jackson. Every body knows she is more of a tariff State than any other in the Union. Did he tell her that his purpose was to break the tariff entirely down? Did he state his objects, also, to New York? Did he state them to New Jersey? What say you, gentlemen from Pennsylvania? gentlemen from New York? and gentlemen from New Jersey? Ye who supported General Jackson's election, what say you? Was it your purpose, also, by that election, to break down the protective policy? Or, if it were not your purpose, did you know, nevertheless-pray let us understand that did you know, nevertheless, that it was the purpose, and the main purpose, of the honorable member from Carolina? and did you, still, coöperate with him?

-

The present Chief Magistrate of the country was a member of this body in 1828. He and the honorable member from Carolina were, at that time, exerting their united forces, to the utmost, in order to bring about General Jackson's election. Did they work thus zealously together, for the same ultimate end and purpose; or did they mean merely to change the Government, and then each to look out for himself?

Mr. Van Buren voted for the tariff bill of that year, commonly called the "bill of abominations;" but, very luckily, and in extremely good season, instructions for that vote happened to come from Albany! The vote, therefore, could be given, and the member giving it could not possibly thereby give any offence to any gentleman of the State-rights party, with whom the doctrine of instructions is so authentic.

Sir, I will not do gentlemen injustice. Those who belonged to tariff States, as they are called, and who supported General Jackson for the Presidency, did not intend thereby to overthrow the protecting policy. They only meant to make General Jackson President, and to come into power along with him! As to ultimate objects, each had his own.. All could agree, however, in the first step. It was difficult, certainly, to give a plausible appearance to a political union, among gentlemen who differed so widely on the great and leading question of the times the question of the protecting policy. But this difficulty was overcome by the oracular declaration that General Jackson was in favor of a "JuDICIOUS TARIFF."

Here, sir, was ample room and verge enough. Who could object to a judicious tariff? Tariff men and Anti-tariff men, State

rights men and Consolidationists, those who had been called prodigals, and those who had been called radicals, all thronged and flocked together here, and with all their difference in regard to ultimate objects, agreed to make common cause, till they should get

into power.

The ghosts, sir, which are fabled to cross the Styx, whatever different hopes or purposes they may have beyond it, still unite, in the present wish to get over, and therefore all hurry and huddle into the leaky and shattered craft of Charon, the ferryman. And this motley throng of politicians, sir, with as much difference of final object, and as little care for each other, made a boat of "Judicious Tariff," and all rushed and scrambled into it, until they filled it, near to sinking. The authority of the master was able, however, to keep them peaceable and in order, for the time, for they had the virtue of submission, and though with occasional dangers of upsetting, he succeeded in pushing them all over with his long settingpole.

"Ipse ratem conto subigit."

Well, sir, the honorable gentleman tells us that he expected, when General Jackson should be elected, to arrest the tariff system through the influence of the Executive Department. Here is another candid confession. Arrest the tariff by Executive influence! Indeed! Why, sir, this seems like hoping, from the first, for the use of the Veto. How, but by the Veto, could the Executive arrest the tariff acts? And is it true, sir, that, at that early day, the honorable member was looking to the Veto, not with dread, but with hope? Did he expect it, and did he rely upon it? Did he make the rally of which he speaks, in order that he might choose a President who would exercise it? And did he afterwards complain of it, or does he complain of it now, only because it was ill directed because it turned out to be a thunderbolt, which did not fall in the right place?

In this reliance on Executive influence- sir, I declare I hardly can trust myself that I read or quote correctly, when I find, in what I read, or from what I quote, the honorable member from South Carolina, by his own confession, hoping or expecting to accomplish any thing by Executive influence; yet so was it spoken, and so is it printed in this reliance, or this hope, or expectation, founded on Executive influence, the honorable gentleman and his friends failed; and, failing in this, he says, they fell back on the sovereignty of the States, and brought the system to the ground "through the potency of interposition; by which he means neither more nor less than Nullification. So then, sir, according to this, that excessive fear of power which was so much cherished by the Nullifiers, was only awakened to a flame in their bosoms, when they found that they

VOL. III.

41

could not accomplish their own ends by the Executive power of the President.

I am no authorized commentator, sir, on the doctrines or theories of Nullification. Non nostrum. But, if this exposition be authentic, I must say it is not calculated to diminish my opposition to the sentiments of that school.

But the gentleman goes on to tell us that nullification, or interposition, succeeded. By means of it, he says, he did bring the protective system to the ground. And so, in his published letter of November 3d, he states that "State interposition has overthrown the protective tariff, and, with it, the American system."

We are to understand, then, sir, first, that the compromise act of 1833 was forced upon Congress by State interposition, or nullification.

Next, that its object and design, so far as the honorable gentleman was concerned in it, was to break down and destroy, forever, the whole protective policy of the country.

And lastly, that it has accomplished that purpose, and that the last vestige of that policy is wearing away.

Now, sir, I must say, that, in 1833, I entertained no doubt at all that the design of the gentleman was exactly what he now states. On this point, I have not been deceived. It was not, certainly, the design of all who acted with him; but that it was his purpose, I knew then, as clearly as I know now, after his open avow al of it; and this belief governed my conduct at the time, together with that of a great majority of those in both Houses of Congress, who, after the act of 1824, felt bound to carry out the provisions of that act, and to maintain them reasonably and fairly. I opposed the compromise act with all my power. It appeared to me every way objectionable: it looked like an attempt to make a new constitution; to introduce another fundamental law, above the power of Congress, and which should control the authority and discretion of Congress, in all time to come. This, of itself, was a conclusive objection with me; I said so then, have often said so since, and say so now. I said, then, that I, for one, should not be bound by that law more than by any other law, except that, as it was a law passed on a very important and agitating subject, I should not be disposed to interfere with it, until a case of clear necessity should arise. On this principle I have acted since. When that case of necessity shall arise, however, should I be in public life, I shall concur in any alteration of that act which such necessity may require. That such an occasion may come, I more than fear. I entertain something stronger than a doubt upon the possibility of maintaining the manufactures and industry of this country, upon such a system as the compromise act will leave us, when it shall have gone through its processes of reduction. All this, however, I leave to the future.

Having had occasion, Mr. President, to speak of Nullification and the Nullifiers, I beg leave to say that I have not done so for any purpose of reproach. Certainly, sir, I see no possible connection, myself, between their principles or opinions, and the support of this measure. They, however, must speak for themselves. They may have intrusted the bearing of their standard, for aught I know, to the hands of the honorable member from South Carolina; and I perceived last session, what I perceive now, that in his opinion there is a connection between these projects of Government and the doctrines of Nullification. I can only say, sir, that it will be marvellous to me, if that banner, though it be said to be tattered and torn, shall yet be lowered in obeisance, and laid at the footstool of Executive power. To the sustaining of that power, the passage of this bill is of the utmost importance. The Administration will regard its success as being to them, what Cromwell said the battle of Worcester was to him—" a crowning mercy." Whether gentlemen who have distinguished themselves so much by their extreme jealousy of this Government, shall now find it consistent with their principles to give their aid in accomplishing this consummation, remains to be seen.

The next exposition of the honorable gentleman's sentiments and opinions, is his letter of November 3d.

This letter, sir, is a curiosity. As a paper describing political operations, and exhibiting political opinions, it is without a parallel. Its phrase is altogether military. It reads like a despatch, or a bulletin from head-quarters. It is full of attacks, assaults, and repulses. It recounts movements and counter-movements; speaks of occupying one position, falling back upon another, and advancing to a third; it has positions to cover enemies, and positions to hold allies in check. Meantime, the celerity of all these operations reminds one of the rapidity of the military actions of the king of Prussia, in the seven years' war. Yesterday, he was in the south, giving battle to the Austrian-to-day he is in Saxony, or Silesia; instantly he is found to have traversed the electorate, and is facing the Russian and the Swede on his northern frontier. If you look for his place on the map, before you find it, he has quitted it. He is always marching, flying, falling back, wheeling, attacking, defending, surprising; fighting every where, and fighting all the time. In one particular, however, the campaigns, described in this letter, differ from the manner in which those of the great Frederick were conducted. I think we no where read, in the narrative of Frederick's achievements, of his taking a position to cover an enemy, or a position to hold an ally in check. These refinements, in the science of tactics and of war, are of more recent discovery.

Mr. President, public men must certainly be allowed to change their opinions, and their associations, whenever they see fit. No