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language of truth and fincerity; and that he is not ready to take up or lay down a great political fyftem for the convenience of the hour; that he is in parliament to fupport his opinion of the publick good, and does not form his opinion in order to get into parliament, or to continue in it. It is in a great measure for your fake, that I wish to preferve this character. Without it, I am fure, I should be ill able to discharge, by any fervice, the fmalleft part of that debt of gratitude and affection which I owe you for the great and honourable truft you have repofed in me. I am, with the highest regard and esteem,

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COPY OF A LETTER

TO

MESS. ******* ****** AND CO. BRISTOL.

GENTLEMEN,

It gives me the moft fenfible concern to find, IT

that my vote on the refolutions relative to the trade of Ireland, has not been fortunate enough to meet with your approbation. I have explained at large the grounds of my conduct on that occafion in my letters to the Merchants Hall: but my very fincere regard and esteem for you will not permit me to let the matter pafs without an explanation, which is particular to yourselves, and which, I hope, will prove fatisfactory to you.

You tell me, that the conduct of your late member is not much wondered at ; but you feem to be at a lofs to account for mine; and you lament, that I have taken fo decided a part against my conftituents.

This is rather an heavy imputation. Does it then really appear to you, that the propofitions to which

you

you refer, are, on the face of them, fo manifeftly wrong, and fo certainly injurious to the trade and manufactures of Great Britain, and particularly to yours, that no man could think of propofing, or supporting them, except from refentment to you, or from fome other oblique motive? If you fuppofe your late member, or if you fuppofe me, to act upon other reasons than we choose to avow, to what do you attribute the conduct of the other members, who in the beginning almost unanimously adopted those resolutions? To what do you attribute the ftrong part taken by the minifters, and along with the minifters, by feveral of their most declared opponents? This does not indicate a ministerial jobb; a party defign; or a provincial or local purpose. It is therefore not fo abfolutely clear, that the meafure is wrong, or likely to be injurious to the true interests of any place, or any perfon.

The reafon, gentlemen, for taking this ftep, at this time, is but too obvious and too urgent. I cannot imagine, that you forget the great war, which has been carried on with fo little fuccefs (and, as I thought, with fo little policy) in America; or that you are not aware of the other great wars which are impending. Ireland has been called upon to repel the attacks of enemies of no fmall power, brought upon her by councils, in which fhe has had no fhare. The very purpose and declared

clared object of that original war, which has brought other wars, and other enemies on Ireland, was not very flattering to her dignity, her intereft, or to the very principle of her liberty. Yet fhe fubmitted patiently to the evils fhe fuffered from an attempt to fubdue to your obedience, countries whofe very commerce was not open to her. America was to be conquered, in order that Ireland fhould not trade thither; whilft the miferable trade which fhe is permitted to carry on to other places has been torn to pieces in the struggle. In this fituation, are we neither to fuffer her to have any real intereft in our quarrel, or to be flattered with the hope of any future means of bearing the burthens which fhe is to incur in defend ing herself against enemies which we have brought upon her?

I cannot fet my face against fuch arguments. Is it quite fair to suppose, that I have no other motive for yielding to them, but a defire of acting against my constituents? It is for you, and for your intereft, as a dear, cherished, and refpected part of a valuable whole, that I have taken my fhare in this question. You do not, you cannot fuffer by it. If honefty be true policy with regard to the tranfient intereft of individuals, it is much more certainly fo with regard to the permanent interefts of communities. I know, that it is but too natural for us to fee our own certain ruin, in

the

the poffible profperity of other people. It is hard to perfuade us, that every thing which is got by another is not taken from ourselves. But it is fit, that we should get the better of these fuggestions, which come from what is not the best and foundeft part of our nature, and that we fhould form to ourselves a way of thinking, more rational, more juft, and more religious. Trade is not a limited thing; as if the objects of mutual demand and consumption, could not stretch beyond the bounds of our jealoufies. God has given the earth to the children of men, and he has undoubtedly, in giving it to them, given them what is abundantly fufficient for all their exigencies; not a fcanty, but a moft liberal provifion for them all. The author of our nature has written it strongly in that nature, and has promulgated the fame law in his written word, that man fhall eat his bread by his labour; and I am perfuaded, that no man, and no combination of men, for their own ideas of their particular profit, can, without great impiety, undertake to fay, that he shall not do fo; that they have no fort of right, either to prevent the labour, or to withhold the bread. Ireland having received no compenfation, directly or indirectly, for any restraints on their trade, ought not, in juftice or common honesty, to be made subject to fuch reftraints. I do not mean to impeach the right of the parliament of Great Britain to make

laws

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