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might be educated at the expense of one.→→→ Parents and relations are no doubt glad to be eased of the burden of feeding and clothing their children, and, in some instances, it may be right, where there are numerous families; but it does not always happen that these are the successful candidates. Interest and connexion frequently procure admissions where no such pressure exists.

Of the 6000 parish charity children which are annually assembled at St. Paul's, it may be fair to presume (as many of them are not fed, though all are clothed) that in the teachers' salaries, school rents, stationery, books, and other expenses, according to the old mode of education, they cannot cost less on an average, including their clothing, than £.10 a year, making an aggregate of sixty thousand pounds. This sum would give nearly the same species of education to 120,000 instead of 6000 children, upon the plan of the Westminster Free School!

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Whoever looks accurately, and with the eye of a political economist, at that portion of the population of the metropolis and its environs, which comprises the inferior ranks

of society, will be convinced that there are at all times about 100,000 children, from the age of from 6 to 12 years, requiring that sort of religious and moral education which is suited to their condition in life, and which is indispensably necessary to make them good and useful subjects of the state: and out of this number it may be fairly calculated that at least 50,000 children are reared, and rearing up, every year, in the grossest ignorance and profligacy, and but for institutions of the nature of the one now described, could have no education at all. The situation of the female children under these circumstances is truly lamentable.

That the morals of the inferior classes of society, particularly in the metropolis, are rapidly declining, is evident to every attentive observer; and there is but too much reason to fear that this decline applies to the whole country. What, therefore, must be the situation of the rising generations, under an increased population, if they are reared up under the influence of the grossest ignorance, and of such evil examples, without some counterpoise, some exertion, to check and to prevent the children from becoming still worse than

their parents?—The prospect is deplorable.— If the morals of the inferior orders of society are not of the highest importance to the state and to the country, it is difficult to discover in the various ramifications of political economy what is really important.

The extraordinary events which, within a few years, have taken place on the continent of Europe,—the important and alarming changes which almost every month, nay, every week, produces, in their nature and consequences surpassing every thing which the history of the world has heretofore recorded, at least since civilization and the arts have been generally disseminated over Europe, exhibit to the calm and reflecting mind a state of things so truly awful, that too much cannot be attempted for the purpose of averting those dreadful calamities by which neighbouring nations have been visited. The strength and stamina of every country exists principally in the mass of the inferior orders of society; but for the purpose of giving effect to this strength, upon which the existence and prosperity of the state in so great a degree depends, the morals of this useful class should be guarded

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with the utmost jealousy. Without possessing a strong sense of religion and virtue, it is in vain to hope for industry, subordination, or loyalty. To be useful, the great body of the people must also be discreet, sober, and provident. Where it is otherwise, they become the worst of all nuisances in society. Nothing is more certain than that every immoral act has a bad tendency, since immorality is the root of all political evil. An immoral man can never be a good citizen. Yet, true it is, that we should have little reason to complain of the inferior ranks of the community, if more attention were bestowed to form proper regulations for their support and improvement in society. If we suffer them to be ill educated, and then punish them for those very crimes to which their bad education and miserable condition exposed them, the result is, that by such an oversight we make delinquents, and then punish them.

When we consider that the vices of the vulgar are often owing to their deficient education, it is the interest of the legislature, and the higher orders of society, to bestow attention on the means of prevent

ing the effects, by removing, in early life, those causes which produce depravity of manners and generate crimes.

The only means of securing the peace of society is, by enforcing the observance of religious and moral principles. All immoral acts have the same tendency, although some are not so immediate in their effect as others.

The people are to the legislature what a child is to a parent, whose first care ought to be to form the morals of his offspring. But to effect this purpose, legislatures should frame the laws with a view to improve the morals of the people, and thereby not only to teach the parent in vulgar life the duty he is bound to perform towards his children, but to assist them in that duty.

That kingdom is happiest where there is most virtue, says an elegant writer. It follows of course that those laws are the best, which are most calculated to promote morality, since moral virtue is that quality which directs the human conduct intentionally towards the public good,

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