have not unfrequently been occasioned by their interference. Let her consider what has been observed in the beginning of this tract as to the general regularity of labors. Let her remember too, that persons of her own sex are able to acquire equal skill with men to avert danger in these cases; and that until there are women of adequate skill, a common midwife of the present time may be adopted without the risks and other evils superinduced by the accoucheur's presence: that the midwife will probably be able, should it become necessary, to obviate, as many can, small irregularities in the progress of labor, which are very uncommon; and that an accoucheur may be conditionally substituted in the manner before recommended. Perhaps the medical men will in future cunningly observe silence on the present question; for having an unsolid foundation whereon to stand, they know that the more they were to plunge, the more they would sink. They may now quietly, or even gracefully, walk off the surface, as I hope they all will, and as I have reason to believe that many will, instead of perversely and uncharitably maintaining their ground till it gives way, and they become immersed with it in the gulf of popular disesteem.

As an individual, my humble yet earnest exertions are necessarily of a limited nature. As a husband and a parent, I have written with confidence; and I am so thoroughly convinced of the propriety of the proposed reformation, that I confidently trust my sentiments to the consideration of the judicious and candid reader. The subject is unquestionably of great and lasting importance, and I wish that I could have expressed these sentiments with correspondent energy. It is for every individual in society approving of my general purposes to contribute his own aid and influence in promoting them. With all due respect to which the members of the medical profession may be fairly intitled, while acting in their proper sphere, I sincerely hope that a free and enlightened British public will not compromise the national honor; will not allow the united and persevering influence and insinuating address of medical men, and the machinations of them and their supporters, to stifle and triumph over the cause as well of decency and good taste, as of innocence, humanity, connubial happiness,

and virtue.

ADDRESSED TO THE

RIGHT HON. GEORGE CANNING,

FIRST LORD OF THE TREASURY, &c. &c.

INTENDED AS

AN HUMBLE VINDICATION OF THE PRESENT MINISTRY.

BY A. S. WADE, D.D.,

OF ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE; VICAR OF ST. NICHOLAS, WARWICK; AND CHAPLAIN TO LORD GLENLYON.

“Here is a field open for talent-here merit will have certain favor, and
industry will have its due reward."

LONDON:-1827.

SIR,

DEVOTEDLY attached to the welfare of my country and of mankind, I am far from being an indifferent spectator of those political events which are passing in the civilised world, but more especially in my native land. The recent political changes which have taken place in the administration of the country, have, as might naturally be expected, excited the hopes and passions of men in a very high degree. The breaking up of a Ministry who seemed fixed as the pillars of the State itself; who ruled as by prescriptive right; who held their seats, as it were, from father to son; who monopolised all the influence and honors and emoluments in the power of the State to bestow-could not but lead to the expression of regrets and resentments both loud and violent. This angry feeling has shown itself in both Houses of Parliament; and, to its credit but partially, by the public press. Various pamphlets, however, have made their appearance, some of them written not merely by politicians, but by reverend divines and doctors in the Church; designed chiefly, as it would appear, if not to raise the senseless cry of "No Popery," at least to arouse the fears of the simple and more unreflecting part of the community on the threatened dangers of Catholic ascendency. To those who have honest fears and scruples on this subject, and many such there are, candor requires

that all due allowance should be made; but where this is not the case, and difference of opinion is resorted to only as a convenient political handle to excite prejudice against public men and measures, such writers deserve no quarter, and merit an appellation with which I will not soil my paper. They are neither sparing in invective, nor wanting in insinuation. We have strong assertions! without proof, declamation without argument, and censures without dignity or moderation; and, from the present tone of mind, as littles fairness in their compositions as judgment in their design. But men with disappointed hopes fall into strange confusion. Time

will minister to their disease.

I have lived long enough in the world, Sir, to know something of the tricks of parties. I have long considered myself honored by having been intimately connected with a band of liberal and enlightened men, who were distinguished in their day as much for their learning and private worth as for their patriotic principles, ("I speak that I do know, and testify that I have seen,") and who, had they lived to see this day, would have been glad. They found by experience that public virtue is not always the surest road to court-favor, though by their great talents they would have adorned the highest stations. Many of them passed their lives in obscurity, in useful labors, and in vain expectations. They are now gone to their reward; and, were it possible, their hallowed influence would still aid our patriotic exertions. Though neglected and kept in the shade, their deaths were not without honor, nor will their names be soon forgotten. Their works survive them. My late much-revered friend, Dr. Parr, once said to me in conversation "You may live to see the day, though I shall not, when toryism, bigotry, and intolerance, shall give place to enlightened sentiments both in politics and religion, and when men in power will see the necessity of keeping pace with the progress of knowlege and the march of mind: as there can be no greater folly than for governments or statesmen to waste a nation's strength by uns profitable dissensions about religion, or to degrade it by making it the watch word of a party; which, indeed, is only to pollute it, and to hide its lustre. It was graciously given and intended by Heaven to enlighten our minds, to teach us our duty, and to produce in us unity and order, peace and confidence, brotherly kind ness and good-will. But how has the fine gold become dim, when the best of Heaven's gifts is made a bone of contention, and, by bad governments, is made to yield only the bitter fruits of envy, hatred, malice and all uncharitableness !”

It is, Sir, to vindicate such worthies of the patriotic band to which I have alluded, and their principles, that I venture to obtrude my self on your notice, and to assure you and the public that, to my knowlege, the most learned, liberal, and enlightened of the

Established Church rejoice most cordially in the new Government. And I speak from the best information when I assert, that a large majority of our regular Dissenters are of the same mind: they all applaud both His Majesty's firmness and choice. Indeed, there can be but one sentiment in the empire as to the just right of the So vereign to choose his own servants; and when this right is attempti ed to be controlled by his Ministers, whether by concert or otherwise, as has lately been the case, the nation will mark such unconstitu tional conduct with becoming indignation. The noblest appellation of the illustrious individual who now fills the throne of these realms, is that of the Father of his People-one who considers the nations under his sway as his family, and who is anxious above all things for their preservation, welfare, and happiness. He has, therefore, the fullest right to choose such Ministers as he deems the fittest for securing these all-important ends.

The late Ministry had been long in power, had been long tried, and had egregiously failed to give satisfaction to the country. The immense load of taxation incurred by their measures, which hangs and will long hang as a dead weight on the prosperity of the peo ple, while it renders almost every man's talents and industry of but little benefit to him, at the same time seriously affects our manufactures and impedes our commerce, which cannot compete with foreign and cheaper markets. These and other causes have re duced the people of this once happy country to the greatest possible distress. Nor can it be denied that, so far from the late Minis try sympathising with the distresses of the people, or endeavoring to relieve them by retrenchment, reduction of taxation, and economy, the annual estimates prove that they allowed the expenditure of the nation to keep increasing in the midst of profound peace! Can any thing more be wanting to prove their selfishness and inca pacity? And, not to enlarge on all the proofs of the eagerness with which they seized on every pretence for abridging the liberties of the people, look at the Six Acts the Manchester Massacre," and other arbitrary deeds, and then say, can a change of such a Ministry be otherwise than matter of high gratification to the people? They may gain, but cannot lose by it.

The Aristocracy, the Tories, and many of the Clergy, may indeed talk loudly and affect to despise vulgar opinions; they may assert that the nation is with them, or, if that be not the fact, that "the people are no judges of such things," as some of them modestly tell us: but let these opinionated parties mingle with the people; let them witness the collision of opinion; let them descend into the arena and try their skill at argument with them; and, it will then appear that they are, in many instances, in sound practical know lege, far behind the very persons they affect to despise. Do they forget the influence of general education, or the great diffusion of