name, he would trust it was so; but at the same tional topics is lost to prince and people-and, finaltime presumptions were strongly the other way;ly, the same system of coercive restrictions on the and all he wanted was a clear official declaration freedom of commerce, by which many of our mer; from the throne, such as would repel the charge, chants and manufacturers have been involved in to the satisfaction not only of this country, but of ruin, and flourishing districts reduced to beggary. other nations. He concurred in the opinion that As fa thful and loyal subjects, and as the repre. it would have been more prudent on the part of the sentatives of the first city in your empire, we feel American government if they had first asked for the deepest affliction in being thus compelled to reian explanation, before they published the docu-terate this enumeration of mal-practices and misments which came into their possession; but what-taken principles of your ministers; we should, ever might be said of this, it was the first duty of however, compromise that sense of public duty, and government to refute the charge that had been that character of frankness, which appertains to us brought against them. Let us have the proof of as freemen and Britons, were we to disguise the what was forgery, and what was the truth; and truth, and forbear to express our conviction, that let the whole matter be explained in the face of the your confidential advisers have plunged this great country and of Europe. Non contents Majorty, The motion was therefore lost. and once flourishing empire into an abyss, trom which we can be rescued only by radical reforms, and a total change in our domestic government and foreign relations. In a crisis, therefore, which involves the destiny of the greatest empire of these or past times-of an empire which is blessed by Providence with unequalled natural advantages, and which possesses a Address to the Prince Regent. people that in all ages have bravely secured their From a late London paper. Yesterday the right honorable the lord mayor, the aldermen, sheriffs, and common council of the city of London, waited on his royal highness the prince regent, at Carlton house, with the following address and petition, which was read by John Syl. vester, Esq. Recorder: To his royal highness, the prince of Wales, regent of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ire land. The humble and dutiful address and petition of the prosperity on the broad basis of public liberty-we feel that we should justly merit the reproaches of our country and posterity, if, at such a crisis, we were to refrain from laying before your royal highness a faithful representation of the public grievan ces, and expressing our painful apprehensions for the welfare and the very existence of the nation. We therefore pray That your royal highness will be graciously pleased to dismiss from your councils those ministers who have proved themselves so undeserving of the confidence of your people, and call to the adminis tration of the government men of public character. We, the lord mayor, aldermen, and commons of and patriotic principles, whose enlarged and liberaf the city of London, in common council assembled, policy is suited to the enlightened character of the humbly approach your royal highness, dutifully to nation-whose wisdom and energy would prove represent our deep sense of the dificulties and dan-equal to the exigencies of the times--whose inclina gers impending over the country, and anxiously to tion would lead them to secure the affections of the invite your benificent attention to the complaints and grievances of your afflicted but faithful sub jects. people, and whose public spirit would stimulate Signed by order of the court, Fourteen months have elapsed since your royal highness acceded to the regency of these kingdoms, at which time we felt it our duty to submit to you a statement of abuses which had taken root in the various departments of the government, the speedy correction and removal of which we deemed essen tial to the prosperity and safety of the empire; and we now again present ourselves before your royal To which address and petition his royal highness was pleased to highness to express our unfeigned sorrow, that dureturn the following answer: It must always be my inclination to listen with attention to ring this interval no efficient measures have been the petitions of any part of his majesty's subjects. For the redres adopted by your ministers calculated to satisfy the of any grievances of which they can reasonably complain, I have wishes and wants of your people, but that, on the full confidence in the wisdom of parliament, the great council of the nation. Being firmly of opinion, that the total change in the contrary, the same mal practices, and the same false domestic government and foreign policy of the country which it is principles of government, have been tenaciously the declared object of your petition to accomplish, would only pursued and enforced, thereby adding contumely to serve to increase the dangers against which we have to contend I should be wanting to myself and to the great interests committed injury, and extinguishing the spring of public ener-to my charge, if I did not steadily persevere in those endeavors gy in a free nation. Meeting at New-York, which appear to me best calculated to support the just rights of the nation abroad, and to preserve inviolate the constitution at We have continued to witness the same system of home. These endeavors can only be attended with success wher profligacy in the expenditure of the public money-seconded by the zeal and loyalty of his majesty's people, upon whic I shall continue to place the strongest reliance." the same system of governing by undue influence and corruption-the same system of delusion in regard to the circulating medium and finances of the country-the same system of arbitrary and griev ous assessment and collection of taxes, by which industry is thwarted, and violated-the same sys tem of introducing into the heart of the country fo reign troops-the same system of persecuting the press, by which the value of free discussion on na A general meeting of the citizens, agreeably to public notice, was held on Wednesday, June 1, 1812, at 12 o'clock, in the Park. COLONEL HENRY RUTGERS, was unanimously called to the chair, and CoL. MARINUS WILLETE, lappointed secretary, The law of congress declaring war against the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and their dependencies, and the president's proclamation being read, the following preamble and resolu tions were unanimously adopted: Resolved, that we have viewed with pleasure and approbation, the unceasing efforts of our govern ment to preserve to our country the blessings of peace-that we duly appreciate their able negocia tions, and admire their unwearied patience to proIn one of those awful and interesting moments, mote so important an end and that we consider with which it has pleased heaven that states and them standing justified in the eyes of their fellowkingdoms should at times be visited-we consider citizens in all the restrictive measures to which they ourselves convoked to express our calm, decided have resorted as temporary expedients, with the and animated opinion on the conduct of our go hope of preventing thereby the evils of war. vernment. Peace has ever been considered one of the great est blessings that an all-bountiful Creator has vouch safed to man upon earth, while war has ever been designated as the scourge of nations-but the same all wise Providence has likewise permitted that, in the events of time such circumstances should accrue to nations, as would render it not only neces sary but an absolute duty to abandon the comforts and delights of peace, in order, that by a solemn ap peal to arins, they may be enabled to secure them selves equally important blessings; that by encoun tering, for a time, the disasters and vicissitudes of war, they may secure themselves and transmit to their posterity those invaluable advantages to which by the laws of nature, of nations, and of God, they as independent governments are justly entitled. : Resolved, that while solicitous of peace, and ar dently attached to its blessings, we believe that the crisis had arrived when it could no longer be with honor retained, that we, therefore, hold our govern. ment justified in its appeal to arms against Great Britain, and vield to its decision our unqualified and decided approbation. Resolved, that as our government has now ap pealed to the sword, it becomes the duty of all good citizens at such eventful period, to lay aside all par ty animosity and private bickering, to rally as becomes brethren equally involved in the welfare of their common country, round the national standard, and to yield to their government an undivided support. Resolved, that placing our reliance in the Most High, and soliciting his benediction on our just cause, we pledge to our government, in support of our beloved country, "our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor." When a retrospect is taken of the last twelve years of our history, we find recorded the violation of one sacred right after another-we behold one continued series of insults-one long succession of oppressions. Our government, with the true spirit of a republic, patiently sustaining while temperate ly remonstrating, until indignity has been added to indignity, and injury heaped upon injury. With a reluctance cominon only to such as duly appreci ate the blessings of peace, have they calmly endured M. WILLETT, secretary. and perseveringly negociated under a pious, but vain expectation, that reason and expostulation, would Resolved, that the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the chairman and secretary, and a copy transmitted by them to the president of the United States, and to both houses of congress. Resolved that the proceedings be published in the newspapers in this city. HENRY RUTGERS, chairman. at length bring the nation injuring us, to a sense of Revolutionary Regular Army. equity, and thereby avert the necessity of a resort to those ulterior measures, always direful in their operation even to that party that is most success ful. list of the general and field officers who served in the regular arog List of General and Field Officers in the army of the United States, NEW-HAMPSHIRE. Colonels-Ethan Allan, Joseph Cilley, Henry Dearborn, George Lieutenant-Colonels-Samuel Stafford, Benjamin Titcomb coln. Our government mild and peaceable in its very nature, and defenceless on the ocean, has endeavor ed in the very spirit of meekness, by every wise, and at the same time, soothing expedient, to convince the belligerent nations of the justice of our councils; our ardent wish to conduct in all things agreeably to the established usages of nations, and in such a manner as to give them no just cause of offence--but knowing our maritime weakness in comparison with their strength, they have turned a deaf ear to the equity of our demands; and with the insolence common to superior and arbitrary power, have so accumulated the catalogue of our wrongs, that longer forbearance would be attended with the absolute prostration of all national charac ter, the abandonment of the rights of an independ ent republic, and would render our government un-Stacy, Joseph Thompson, Elijah Vose, Daniel Whiting, worthy of the confidence of its own citizens, and of the respect of the world. Major-Generals William Heath, Henry Knox, Benjamin Lis Brigadier-Generals-John Glover, John Greaton, John Patterson, Rufus Putnam. Our government therefore with all calm delibera tion, and with that solemn delay that ever attend those who are forced reluctantly from their tranquil and beloved abodes to launch on a perilous and tempestous ocean, have finally resigned the peace ofce country into the hands of the Great Disposer of all events--and under his banner, with a perfect conviction of the equity of their cause, they have declared this country to be at war with Great Bri tain. Therefore Jedutha Baldwin, John Brooks, John Crane, David Cobb, David, Lieutenant-Colonels-Barachiah Bassett, Samuel Carlto, Tobias Majors Noah Allen, Moses Ashely, William H. Baillard, John RHODE-ISLAND. Sherburne. Lieutenant Colonels-Silas Talbot, Samuel Ward. CONNECTICUT. Major-Generals-Israel Putnam, Samuel H. Parsons. Colonels-Philip B. Bradley, Zebulon Butler, Thomas Grovenor, Return J. Meigs, Josiah Starr, Elisha Sheldon, Heman Swifi, Isaac Sherman, Samuel Willis, Samuel B. Webb. Lieutenant-Colonels-Ebenezer Gray, Joseph Hait, Hezekiah Holdridge, David Humphreys, Ebenezer Huntington, Thomas Hobby, Jonathan Johnson, John Sumner, David F. Sill, Jonathan Trumball. Majors-Albert Chapman, Wills Clift, Samuel Johnson, Eli Levenworth, Daniel Lyman, Abner Pryor, Elisha Painter, David Smith, Benjamin Throop, Benjamin Tailmage, Amos Waldridge, Theodore Woodbridge, Robert Warner, John P. Wyllis, Joseph A.) Wright. NEW-YORK. Major-General-Mexander M'Dougall. Bigar-General-James Clinton. Colonels-Donald Campbell, Philip Cortlandt, Lewis Dubois, Peter Gansevoort, Joha Lamb, James Livingston, William Malcolm, Goose Van Schaick. Frederick Weisenfeits, Marinus Willett. Lieutenant-Clonels-Jacobus Bruen, Robert Cochran, Udney Majors-Sebastian Bauman, John Davis, Nicholas Fish, John Brigadier-Generel-Elias Dayton. Colonels-John N. Cummings, Ephraim Martin, Matthias Ogden, Israel Sureeve, Oliver Spencer. Lieutenant-Clonels-John Conway, Jonathan Forman, Henry B. Livingston, Eleazer Lindsley, David Rhea. Mejor-J.remiah Bruin, Joseph Bloomfield, Ichabod Burnett, Nathaniel Bowman, John Burrowes, William Barber,Richard Cox, John Ross, Samuel Reading. PENNSYLVANIA. Major-General-Arthur St. Clair. Washington, June 10, 1812. SIR-It has been extremely satisfactory to me, to find by your etter dated June 6th, which I had the honor to receive yesterday morning, that it was not the wish of the American government to close all further discussion r lative to the important questions at issue, between the two countries. I beg you to be assured. sir, that Brigadier-General's-Edward Hand, William Irvine, A. Wayne. it never was my intention, in alluding to my letters which had Colonel-Daniel Broadh: ad, Richard Butler, William Butler,mained without answer at your office, to use any expressions He..ry Bicker, James Chambers, Thomas Craig, Richard Hampton, which could, in the most remote mamer contain any thing per Adam Hubley, Francis Johnson, Robert Magaw, Stephen Moylan, conal. I shall ever be ready with pleasure to bear testimony to Lewis Nicola, George Nagle, Andrew Porter, Walter Stewart, that frankness, candor and good temper which so eminently distin Lieutenant-Colonels-Stephen Bayard, Lewis Harmer, Samuelish you, and have been acknowledged to belong to you by all who have ever had the honor to discuss with you any questions of Hay, Josiah Harmer, John Murray, Francis Mentges, Caleb North, public interest. Thomas Robinson, Christopher Stewart, Tench Tilghman. Frederick Vernon. But, sir, although you were not backward in entering into full Mejors-John Armstrong, William Alexander, Thomas Church, explanations with me verbally, I could not but feel, particularly as Isnac Craig, Evan Edwards, Moore Fontleroy, David S. Franks. I had just had communications to make to you of the greatest im James Grier, James Hamilton, John Hulings, William MPherson, portance, that I had a right to expect from you a written reply to Thomas D. Moore, Francis Murray, James Moore, Francis Proctor,them; and while I remembered that two of my former notes were James Parr, James Reid, George Tudor, Jeremiah Talbot. Colonel-David Hall. DELAWARE. Mejs-Benjamin Brooks, William Dent Beall, Wm. Brown, Brigadier-Generols-Peter Muhlenberg, Daniel Morgan, Charles still unanswered, the one written three months ago, containing anong other important topicks, a particular question which I was expressly instructed to put to you, as to whether you could point to any public act, on the part of the French government, by which they had really revoked their decrees, and the other furnishing strong evidence of the continued existence of those very decrees; also, when I perceived that my note, communicating the duke of Bassano's report, which you knew was to be sent to you on the 1st. inst. was not waited for, but that a message was transmitted by the executive to congress, which it seems contained a reference to an insulated passage in the despatch on which my note was found that if taken unconnected with what preceded or followed, it might be liable to mi-construction, I could avoid apprehending that no neaus of further explanation might be left open to me. I beg you to be assured, sir, that if I was embarrassed by your de mands of an explanation as to what appeared to you to be a difference between lord Casdercagh's despatch, communicated to you, and my note, it arose from the novelty of the demand, that seemed to involve an informality of proce ding, in which I could not feel myself justified in acquiescing. Had you, in making a reply to Coloucis-George Baylor, Abraham Buford, Burges Ball. Williamy communication, asked me how far a repeal of the Freich de Davies, William Darke, Christian Febiger, Nathaniel Gist, Johaerees was demanded by my government, and as to whether a spe Gibson, Jo'm Green, Charles Harrison, William Heth, Levin cial repeal, as far as respected America, would be sufficient, I Joynes, Henry Lee, George Matthews, John Nevill, William Rus- should have had no hesitation in giving you every satisfaction. sel, James Wood, Anthony W. White. Your note of the 6th instant has, by shewing that the door was not absolutly shut to a continuance of our discussion, relieved me from further difficulty on this point. Lieutenant-Colonel-Richard C. Anderson, Samuel I. Cabell Jonathan Clark, Edward Carrington, Thomas Gaskins, Samuel Hopkins, Samuel Hawes, John Jameson, Thomas Posey, Richard Taylor, Oliver Towles, Benjamin Temple, Willian Washington, Gustavus B. Wallace, John Webb. I have no hesitation, sir, in saying that Great Britain, as the case has hitherto stood, never did, nor ever could engage, without the grossest injustice to herself and her allies, as well as to other Majors-Peter B. Bruin, John Belfield, William Cunninghan, neutral nations, to repeal her orders as affecting America alone, William Croghan, Richard Call, Joseph Crocket, Joseph Eggles leaving them in force against other states, upon condition that tob, Samuel Finley, George Gilchrist, Thomas Hill, John Hays, France would except, singly and specialty, America from the operaChristian Holmer, David Hopkins, William Lewis, William Muscley, tion of her decrees. You will recollect, sir, that the orders in coune John Poulson, Charles Pelham, Thomas Ridley, Smith Snead, Da-cil are measures of defence, directed against the systern contained vid Stephenson, John Swan, William Taylor, John Wyllis, Andrew Waggener. NORTH-CAROLINA. Murfree. in those decrees; that it is a war of trade which is carried on by France; that what you call the municipal regulations of France, have never been called municipal by France herself, but are her main engines in that novel and monstrous system. It cannot, then, be expected that Great Britain should renounce her efforts to throw back upon France the evils with which she menaces Great Britain merely because France might seek to all vint her own situation by waving the exercise of that part of her system which she can not enforce. But, sir, to what purpose argue upon a supposed case; upon a state of things not likely to occur, since the late report and senatus constituin which have been published to the world, as it were, insultingly in the taer of those who would contend that any repeal whatever had taken place, of the decrees in question. You draw a comparison between the mode in which this instrument has appeared, and that which you call the high evidence of the ro peat as stated in Mr. Champagny's note: and it would almost seem as if you considered the latter as the most authentic of the two; but, sir, you cannot seriously contend that the duke of Bassano's report, with the senatus consultum accompanying it, published in the official paper at Paris, is not a very different instpuntent fro the above letter, offering a mare provisional rep al of the decrees, apor conditions utterly jaadny issible; conditions too, which really fur and of the malves a question of paramouat importance. The co cition Laen demanded, and which was brought forward an expectedly, was a repeal of the blockade of May 1306, which Mr. Finkney, in the letter you have re& pred me to, declared to have been required by America as indisp sable in the view of Irer acts of intercourse and note reours, as well as a repeal of other blockies of a similar character, which were maintained by Great Brain to be funded on strict maritime right. Mr. Foster to Mr. Monroe. The conditions now anexed to the French demand are much more extensive, and as I have shewn, includes a surrender of many other of the nost established principles of the public law of nations. It is really quite painful to me to perceive, that notwithstanding I cannot, I confess, se upon what ground you contend that the the length of the discussions which have taken place between us, port of the duke of Basso, affords no proof against any par misapprehensions have again arisen respecting some of the most ful peal of the French decrees. The principles advanced in that important features in the questions at issue between our two coun» portare general; there is no exerption made in favor of Ameri-trus, which misapprehensions, perhaps, proceeding from my not cu, and in the correspondence of Mr. Barlow, as officially publish- expressing any seif sufficiently el ar in my note of the 10th ist, 1, he seems to allow that he had no explanatio respecting it. How in relation to one of those questions, it is absolutely necessary Fan it, the refors considered in any other light than as a republi-should be done away. cation of the decrees theinselves? which, as it were to take away I beg leave again to state to you, sir, that it is not the operation all ground for any doubt, expressly advances a doctrine that can of the Trench decrees upon the British trade with the enemis để Guly be put in practice on the high seas, namely, that free ships Great Britain, that has ever formed a subject of discussion between shall make free goods," since the application of such a principle tolus, and that it is the operation of those decrees upon Great Britain. yess Is in port is absolutely rejected under his continental syst in. through neutral connerce only, which has really been the point It is, indeed, impossible to see how, under such circumstanes, at issue. Had America resisted the effect of those d ́erces in their America can call upon Great Britain to revoke her orders in coun-full extent upon her neutral rights, we should never have had a dis eil. It is impossible that she can revoke them at this moment. in france upon the subject; but whil- French cruizers continue to common justice to herself and to her allies; but, sir, while under capture her ships under their operation she seems to have been the necessity of continuing them, she will be ready to manage setisfied if those ships were released by special imperial mandates, their exercise, so as to alleviate as much as possible, the pressur issued as the occasion arose; and she has chosen to call municipal upon America and it would give me great pleasure to confer an unexampled assumption of authority by France in countries not with you, at any time, upon the most advisable manner of producer French jurisdiction, and expressly invaded for the purpos ing that effet. I have the honor, &c. of preventing their trade with England, on principles directly applicable to, if they could be enforced against America. (Signed) AUG. J. FOSTER. How I beg you to recollect, sir, that if no revocation has been made of the orders in council, upon any repeal of the French decre ́s, ar hitherto shown by America to have taken place, it has not levta the fault of his majesty's government. It was France, and afterof blockade with that arising out of the orders in council. well know that if these two questions had not been united together, the orders in council would have been, in 1810, revoked. could it be exp, cted that Great Britain, in coramon justice to other neutral nations, to her allies, and to herself, should not contend for a full and absolute repeal of the French decre ́s, or should engage to make any particular concession in favour of America, when she saw that America would not renounce her demand for a sup rend, with the orders in council of some of our most important maritime rights. Mr. Monroe to Mr. Foster. Department of State, June 13th, 1812. SIR-I am not aware that any letter of yours, on any subject, on which the final decision of this government had not been com-wards America, that connected the question relative to the night ruunicated to you, has been suffered to remain without a prompt and written answer; and even in the cases thus supposed to have been settled, which you thought proper to revive, although no fa vorable change had taken place in the policy or measures of your government, I have never failed to explain to you informally, in early interviews, the reasons which made it imperionsly the duty of the United States to continue to afford, to their rights and interests, all the protection in their power. The acknowledgment of this on your part, was due to the frankness of the communications which have passed between us on the highly important subjects on which we have treated, and I am happy to find by your Itter of Even to this day, sir, you have not explicitly stated in any of the the 16th just. that in relying on it. I have not been disappointed. letters to which you refer me, that the American governme at The impropriety of the demand made by your government of a would expressly reroune asking for a revocation of the blocka copy of the instrument of instructions given by the French go of May 1806, and the other blockade alluded to in Mr. Podney's vernment to its cruizers, after the repeal of the Berlin and Milan etter; much less have I en able to obtain from you any d decrees, was sufficiently shown in Me. Pinkney's letter, to the marsclaimer of the rights asserted by Prince to impose upon the wold quis of Wellesley of the 10th of December, 1810, and in my letters the new amaritime code promulgated by France in the late repab in you of the 23d July, 1311, and 14th January last. It was for lication of her decrees, although I have, by order of my governaded, this reason that I thought it more suitable to refer you to those expressly stat d their expretation of such disclaimer, and repeatedly letters, for the answer to that demand, than to repeat it in a formal called for an explanation on this point. Communication. I will now say that I feel entirely authorised to assure you that It excites, however, no small surprise, that you should continue if you can, at any time, prodige a full and unconditional repeal to demand a copy of that instrument, or any new proof of the re of the French decrces, as you have a right to demand it in your peal of the French decrees, at the very time that you declare that character of a neutral sation, and that it he disengaged from any the proof which you demand, in the extent to which we have a right conacetion with the question cone-ring our maritime rights, we claim the repeal, would not, if afforded, obtain a correspond-shall be ready to meet you with a revocation of the orders in coun jor rapeet of the orders in council. This demand is the more. Previous to your producing such an instrument, which I am extraordinary, when it is considered that since the repeal of sorry to see you regard as unnecessary, you cannot expect of us to the decrees, as it respects the United States, was announeed, your give up our orders in council. government has enlarged its pr. tensions, as to the conditions on In reference to the concluding paragraph of your letter in anwhich the orders in council should be repealed, and even invigorat-swer to that in mine of the 10th inst. I will only say, that I am ex tremely sorry to find you think it impossibl to devise or conceive edits practice under them. It is satisfactory to find that there has been no misapprehension any arrangement consistent with the honor, rig! ts and interests of of the condition, without which your government refuses to repeal the United States, which mightrend to alleviate the pressure of the the ordes in council. You admit that to obtain their repeal, in re-orders in council on the commerce of America. It would have spect to the United States, ther peal of the French decrees must given me great satisfaction if we could have fallen upon se ne he absolute and unconditional, not as to the United States only, but agreement that might have had such effect. My government, as to all other neutral nations; nor as far as they affect neutral whale under the imperions necessity of resisting France with herown commerce only, but as they operate internally and affect the trade weapons, most carnestly desires that the interests of America niy ja British mannfictures with the en mies of Great Britain. Asuffer as little as possible from, the incidental effect of the conflict. the orders in council have formed a principal cause of the differ. They are aware that their retaliatory measures have forced the ences which unhappily exist between our countries. a condition of rub of France to yield in some degree from his hostile decrees, their repeat, coinmunicated in any authentic document or manner, and whether it were more advisable to push those measures rizer was entitled to particular attention; and surely none could have ously on until they complete the breaking of it up altogether the sp high a claim to it, as the letter from lord Castlereagh to you, main object of our retaliatory system) or to take advantage of the submitted by his authority to my view, for the Express purpose of partial and progressive retractions of it, produced by the necessities making that condition, with its other contents, known to this go- of the enemy, has been a question with his majesty's government. It is one on which they would have been most desirous to consuit With this knowledge of the determination of your government, the interests of America. Under existing circumstances, howeyr, to say nothing of the other conditions annexed to the repeal of the a aud from our late communications, I have not felt encouraged to orders in council, it is impossible for me to devise or conceive any make you any written proposal, arising out of this state of things arrangement consistent with the honor, the rights and interests of 1 shall, ther, fore, merely again express to you, that as the object the United States, that could be made the basis or becorae the re-jof Great Britain has been thoughout to endeavor, while tureed, in sult of a conference on the subject. As the president nevertheless behalf of her most important rights and interests to rendite upon retains his solicitude to see a happy determination of any dift rences Ce French decrees, to celláne that retaliation with the greatest between the two countries, and wishes that every opportunity, possible degree of attention to the nterests of Amejica, it would however unpromising, which may possibly Ind to it, should be give his majesty's government the most sincere satisfaction if some taken advantage of, I have the honor to inform you that I am arangement could be found which would have so desirable an ready to receive and pay due attention to any communication or effect. propositions having the object in view, which you may be authorised yorniment. to make. Under existing circumstanees, it is deemed most advisable, in I have, &c. AUG, J. POSTER, Congressional Report. The committee, to whom was referred so much of the president's message as relates to Indian affairs, REPORT: That the attention of the committee has been directed to the following enquiries: 1 WAR DEPARTMENT, December 19th, 1811. SIR--In answer to the call of the honorable com. mittee of the house of representatives, contained in your letter of the 26th ultimo, for "all evidence tending to shew what agency the subjects of his Britannic majesty may have had in exciting the Indians on the western frontier to hostility with the United States; the evidence of hostility towards the United States on the part of the Shawanese Propet and his tribe, and which it is presumed gave rise to the expedition under the command of governor Harrison; and the orders or authority vested in governor Harrison by the government of the 3d. The orders by which the campaign was autho-United States, under which the expedition is carrised and carried on. 1st. Whether any, and what agency the subjects ried on :" The committee have obtained all the evidence] I have the honor to state that the information rewithin their power relative to these several enqui-ceived by this department, relative to the subjects ries. The documents accompanying the president's! of inquiry, is in the correspondence of the gover message to congress, of the 11th inst. contain all nors of the Michigan, Indiana and Illinois territo and some additional evidence to what had been obies, and of other officers and agents of government tained by the committee, in relation to the first en on the northern and western frontier, extracts from quiry. Those documents afford evidence as con- which, embracing the objects of inquiry of the clusive as the nature of the case can well be sup honorable committee, together with the memorials posed to admit of, that the supply of Indian goods of the inhabitants of the Indiana and Filinois terrifurnished at Fort Malden, and distributed during tories, are herewith transmitted. the last year by British agents, in Upper Canada, On the information and representation of facts to the Indian tribes, were more abundant than therein contained, the 4th regiment of infantry, usual; and it is difficult to account for this extra with one company of riflemen, under the command ordinary liberality, on any other ground than that of colonel Boyd, were ordered from Pittsburg to of an intention to attach the Indians to the British Vincennes, subject to the further orders of govercause, in the event of a war with the United States. nor Harrison, who was authorised. with this force That the Indian tribes should put to hazard the and such additional number of companies from the large annuities which they have been so long in the militia as should be deemed necessary, to establish habit of receiving from the United States; that they a new post on the Wabash, and to march against, should relinquish supplies so necessary to their com- and disperse, the armed combination under the fort, if not to their existence, by a hostile conduct, in the absence of all other evidence, is not the least convincing proof that some agency has been employed to stimulate the savages to hostilities; and having pursued a course of conduct which must lead to a forfeiture of those advantages, renders it at Hon. Samuel McKee, chairman of a committee, least probable that they had assurances of receiving an equivalent elsewhere. Prophet. I have the honor to be, Your most obedient servant, House of Representatives. W. EUSTIS. (TO BE CONTINUED.) Law Case. In the matter of Amasa Roode.--On Habeas Corpus. The prisoner claims to be discharged under the 23d section of the act of congress of March 16th, 1812, which enacts, "That no non-commissioned officer, musician or "private shall be arrested, or subject to arrest, or to "be taken in execution for any debt, under the sum of 20 dollars contracted before enlistment, nor for any debt contracted after enlistment." Additional presents, consisting of arms and am munition, given at a time when there is evidence that the British were apprised of the hostile dispo sition of the Indians, accompanied with the speech es addressed to them, exciting disaffection, are of too decisive a character to leave doubt on the subject. With regard to the second subject of inquiry, the committee are of opinion that the evidence accom panying this report, together with the official com munication made to the executive by the British government, affords such evidence of the hostile views and intentions of the Indians, as to render it the duty of the president of the United States to It appears that the prisoner is confined in the priemploy the necessary means of protecting the fron- son of Albany county on mesne process issuing out tiers from the attack with which they were threat of the common pleas of the said county, at the suit ened. Accordingly, in pursuance of the provisions of John Shepherd, for a debt of twenty eight dollars of the act of congress, entitled "An act for calling and fifty cents. The facts in this case, as disclosed on forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, the return of the habeas corpus, being made to me suppress insurrections, and repel invasions," the (of which the plaintiff by my order had previous executive ordered the 4th regiment of infantry, with written notice, and attended accordingly) appear to one company of riflemen, under the command of be as follows : colonel Boyd, from Pittsburg to Vincennes, subject The prisoner is a private,duly enlisted in the Unitto the farther orders of governor Harrison, who ed States army--before his enlistment he was inwas authorised, with this force and such additional debted to three several persons in small sums, neicompanies from the militia as should be deemed ne-ther of which amounted to twenty dollars, but which cessary, to establish a new post on the Wabash and in the aggregate exceeded that amount-after his to march against and disperse the armed combina- enlistment the prisoner was induced to give his note tion under the prophet. to each of those three persons for the sums he respec These considerations, together with the docu-tively owed them, which notes came to the plainments, are respectfully submitted. tiff's (Shepherd's) hands by purchase or assignment, |