measure refuted by the course of Falkenstein's own narrative, since, a page or two afterwards, he inserts a proclamation of the Polish general, Dombrowski, addressed to his countrymen, announcing the formation of Polish legions as part of the army of Italy, and inviting them to swell the numbers of those legions, which proclamation is dated "Head Quarters at Milan, 1st Pluviose, fifth year of the French Republic, one and indivisible." This, being translated, means the 20th of January, 1797: at which period Kosciuszko was in America, or on his way thither. But, whether he were or were not the proposer of the formation of the Polish legions, he was an object of enthusiastic love and reverence to those legions, however formed; of this our biographer gives us a pleasing anecdote.

"The Roman Consulate, in token of Roman gratitude to the victorious Polish legions under the Generals Kniazewicz and Rymkiewicz, resolved to present them with two trophies of old Polish renown. These were the Mahometan banner, taken by King John Sobieski, at his glorious deliverance of Vienna from the menacing arms of the Turks, in the year 1683, and the same heroic monarch's sword, with which, upon that occasion, he put the Ottomans to flight. Both had ever since, in fulfilment of a vow, been hanging up in the chapel of our Lady of Loretto. They were now to be restored to the Poles. Dombrowski joyfully received authority to take them, and ordered Captain Kosakiewicz to march through Loretto for that purpose. The captain found the banner of Mahomet at Loretto, brought it to Rome, and deposited it, with all military honours, in the house of his commander. This trophy was thenceforward kept at the Polish headquarters, until the end of the war, or the wars rather of the French Revolution and of Napoleon. In 1818 it became the ornament of the National Museum, founded at Warsaw by The Society of the Friends of Science. But, in the fatal year 1831, it fell, together with the library and other treasures of the society, a prey to Russians.

"Sobieski's sword was not at Loretto, nor had it retained the diamonds that had once adorned it. The jewels had been turned into money to supply the Pope's urgent necessities in the recent times of difficulty and distress; and the despoiled sword was in the custody of the Consul Angelucci. It was now presented to Dombrowski, who deemed that the worthiest of Poles was its only fitting owner. He sulted the officers of the legions; who exclaimed with one accord, 'None should wear, none possess, Sobieski's sword, but Poland's champion Kosciuszko !'

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"The bravest of the leaders, it was resolved, should be the bearer of the gift. ...... The choice fell, and worthily, upon General Kniazewicz, who ranked second to Dombrowski alone.

"With tears of joyful emotion, Kosciuszko embraced his old fellow

soldier and friend, whom he had not seen since the battle of Macziewice, and received from his hands the sword of Sobieski, as the last pledge of the nation's gratitude."

The next material incident in Kosciuszko's life occurred in 1806, when France, attacking Prussia, became involved in war with Russia. Upon this occasion Napoleon desired to make use of the exiled patriot's popularity in Poland.

"Kosciuszko promised his aid upon condition that the emperor should preliminarily bind himself by a public instrument to re-establish Poland as an independent state."

For Napoleon's rejecting terms, alike useful and honourable to himself, it is difficult to find any reason, unless we suppose him actuated by his natural abhorrence of popular energies and national movements. But reject them he did, and in consequence all the assistance he received from Kosciuszko consisted in his exhortations to such of his banished countrymen as were not, like himself, pledged to inactivity, " to consider that the future prospects of their common country, as well as their own, depended upon France, and that they would therefore do well to join her, without however suffering themselves to be dazzled by Buonaparte's personal qualities."

Still, however, the emperor did not despair of gaining the more effective support of Kosciuszko's name and presence at headquarters; and Fouché was employed to lure the patriot to violate the spirit, if not the letter, of his promise to his liberator, Paul,a breach of faith, of which it seems he would have incurred the personal guilt, for the sake of his wronged mother-land, had he been sufficiently assured of the beneficial effects to her. How far this might or might not have been justifiable, is a question of political morality, which we are very glad that we are spared the task of here discussing, by the imperial arrogance of Napoleon in refusing the required engagement,

"Fouché employed every art of persuasion, and menaced the most terrible consequences in case of obstinate refusal. ...... Kosciuszko, in the last of these conversations, replied: "I will have no concern with your enterprises in Poland, unless a national government, a liberal constitution, and her ancient limits, be preliminarily insured to my country.' And suppose you were conducted thither by an armed force?' asked the Duke of Otranto. In that case,' rejoined Kosciuszko, I will proclaim to the whole Polish nation, that I am no free agent, that I take no share in any thing.'- Well then, we shall do without you,' were the concluding words of the angered Fouché."

And they did without him," although not exactly in the way in which Kosciuszko had understood the words; for they did without him really, but not nominally. A proclamation in his

name, calling upon all Poland to arm in support of Napoleon,
and declaring that he himself, the Naczelnik, was setting out to
head the national army, was published by the command of the
French emperor;
and it was not until Paris was in the hands of
the allies, that Kosciuszko was enabled publicly to disavow this
fraudulent abuse of his name.

From the period of this refusal to obey Napoleon, Kosciuszko lived undisturbed in the retirement already described, in a countryhouse called Berville,until the eventful spring of the year 1814. Then, if he did not resume his sword in defence of the country that sheltered him, he, without so doing, effectually protected his French neighbours against the hostile troops that were desolating the district.

"The aged hero could not endure the sight of such horrors. ... He mounted his horse, and rode off alone towards the village of Cugny, where the thickest smoke proclaimed the greatest danger. There he found Russians, Cossacks, and Poles, firing the miserable cottages of the peasantry, thinking amidst the confusion to plunder the more undisturbedly.

"He galloped into the midst of them, and, turning to the Polish battalion, known by their uniforms, shouted Hold, soldiers! When I led brave Polish troops, no one thought of plundering: and severely should I have punished any inferior officer who, regardless of my commands, had dared to suffer such disorder. But the leaders are yet more blameable,' he added, addressing the officers, who by their example or their neglect tempt the privates into such conduct.'

"And who are you, to talk to us?' resounded on all sides.-' I am Kosciuszko !'-At this name officers and men flung away their arms, and, according to the custom of their country, fell down before their Naczelnik. Those nearest to him touched his knee with their right hands, whilst with the left they uncovered their heads, which they strewed with dust in token of repentance. ........ The kindled fires were promptly extinguished; what could be saved was saved. He assisted actively in the operation, and remained till all the stolen property that could be collected was replaced."

This power of a name is so fine, that it has been made the subject of a drama by a Prussian poet, Karl von Holteiv. This piece, Der Alte Feldherr (the Old General), was very successful. The occurrence was much talked of at the time, and attracted the attention of the Emperor Alexander, who invited Kosciuszko to visit him at Paris.

"The frank republican, who was no longer to be blinded by words, lured by promises, or deluded by hopes, hesitated to accept the invitation, when an imperial carriage and aide-de-camp, sent to fetch him, appeared....... The Czar received him, not as a mere general officer, still less as a former enemy and prisoner. He welcomed him, as a

.... After a while,

friend, with an embrace upon the palace steps... the Czar turned the conversation upon the condition and prospects of Poland. Kosciuszko pointed out, upon an open map, the old frontier line between Poland and Russia, and urged the necessity of its being so fortified as to protect the former from invasion.

"After this conversation, the Grand-duke Constantine declared in the Parisian salons that the decrepid old man was in his dotage. But the emperor authorized Kosciuszko to explain and detail his views by

letter."

The letter is long, but deserves to be generally known, as well for its simple disinterestedness, as because the Polish patriot herein recommends the very plan which the late Lord Londonderry successfully urged at Vienna, when, from the ambition of Russia and the selfish coldness of the other allies, he despaired of effecting more for Poland. The letter is in French, and it is not improbable that this language, so general upon the continent, might be the medium of communication between the Pole and the Russian. But Falkenstein gives in French other letters and speeches, which we feel morally certain must have been written and spoken in Polish, thus proving them to rest upon French authority, not upon Kosciuszko's or that of the Zeltner family.

"Sire!

"If from my obscurity I venture to address a petition to a great monarch, a great captain, and above all a protector of humanity, it is because his generosity and magnanimity are well known to me.—I ask three favours of you. The first is to grant a general amnesty, without any restriction, to all Poles, allowing the peasants who are scattered abroad to be free upon returning to their homes. The second is that your majesty would proclaim yourself King of Poland, with a free constitution, something like the English,—would establish schools, at the expense of government, for the education ofthe peasants,-would abolish the villenage of the peasants in the course of ten years, and allow them to hold their possessions as freehold property.

"Should these my prayers be granted, I shall hasten, ill as I am, to throw myself at your majesty's feet, there to express my gratitude, and to be the first to do you homage as my sovereign. And, should it be thought that my poor abilities could be of any use, I would instantly set out for Poland to serve my country and my sovereign, honestly and zealously.

"My third prayer, Sire, though of a private nature, is deeply interesting to my heart and feelings. For fourteen years I have resided with M. Zeltner, a Swiss, formerly envoy from Switzerland to France. I am under great obligations to him; but we are both poor, and he has a large family. I ask an honourable post for him, either in the new government of France, or in that of Poland. He is well informed, and I will answer for his integrity.

"Berville, 9th April, 1814.".

"&c. &c. &c.

KOSCIUSZKO."

The emperor's answer is autographic.

"It is with the greatest satisfaction, general, that I answer your letter. Your dearest wishes shall be fulfilled. With the aid of the Almighty, I hope to effect the regeneration of your brave and respectable nation. I have solemnly pledged myself to this, and the prosperity of Poland has long engaged my thoughts. Political circumstances alone have hitherto shackled my intentions.-Those obstacles exist no longer.-Two years of a terrible but glorious struggle have removed them. A little while, and prudent conduct, and the Poles shall recover their country, their name; and I shall have the gratification of convincing them that it is he whom they have thought their enemy, who, forgetting the past, will realize their wishes. How satisfactory it would be to me, general, to see you my assistant in these salutary labours.--Your name, your character, your talents, will be my best support.

"Receive, General, the assurance of my esteem,

"Paris, 3d May, 1814."

"ALEXANDEr."

We know not whether the Polish patriot mistrusted the autocrat's sincerity, whether a revolutionary prejudice, by no means unique, made the constitutional charter of the restored Bourbons appear to him more inimical to liberty than the military despotism of Napoleon, or what other, perhaps immaterial, motive influenced him, but, even during the sitting of the Vienna Congress, he left France and the Zeltners, to make a tour through Italy.

"He had scarcely crossed the Alps, when a deputation from the Polish Senate overtook him, to entreat, in the name of the whole nation, that he would, in the fateful year 1815, as heretofore, be the champion of Poland, and appear in their behalf at Vienna. The noble old man, although ill with a fever brought on partly by fatigue and partly by a severe cold caught in passing Mount St. Gothard, immediately set out for Vienna. ... He arrived too late; the Congress was dissolved; and only by a fortunate accident did he obtain an interview with the Russian Czar at Braunau.

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"The monarch received him with the same cordiality as at Paris. In a long conference Kosciuszko explained the object of his journey: but, if he returned to Italy honoured with every mark of personal esteem, he carried with him little hope of the independence of Poland. Alexander had said, amongst other things, The destinies of Poland must be those of the Sclavonian people." Poland received a constitution, however, which, as Falkenstein, thinks, might have made her very happy, had it been faithfully observed. But Kosciuszko either differed in opinion from his biographer, or, as a Lithuanian, he held himself released from his engagements with the emperor, inasmuch as the latter kept Lithuania as a Russian province, instead of re-uniting it to Poland: a