Page 209 Resemblance between the Mississippi and the Nile admitted on both And he adds insult to injury when he says that I might have obtained This point constitutionally considered If the president had a right to remove the nuisance, he has not done it, he has only removed me from the possession of the batture Declamation calculated to excite prejudices against me. Pestilence, fever, death, destruction, ruin, and inundation. Humane conclusion that I deserved to be committed to the flames. Secret motives of this violent denunciation Mr. Jefferson speaks in the plural number, assumes the style of royalty, and why? His proceedings considered in a remedial point of view. His argument 1. My case not within the letter or spirit of the act. Its object squatters, II. Directions of the act not pursued. Removal not to take place until the 1st of January and afterwards until the 1st of July, 1808, nor before commissioners had made their report, and after three months' previous notice. The order for my removal was given in November, 1807, 214 215 ibid. 217 219 220 221 222 224 ibid. 225 234 ibid. without waiting for a report of commissioners, and without giving me any notice III. The act, if it comprehends my case, is unconstitutional. 1. It creates a confusion of powers, opposed to the nature and spirit of our government. Effects of such confusion. Exhibited in the present case. Striking application of a passage from Juvenal descriptive of the tyranny exercised at Rome under Tiberius 2. Judiciary power vested by our constitution in a series of regular tribunals. Danger of committing it to executive officers. Cabinet council said to have been called by the President, and to have given an unanimous decision in the case. Fact not admitted. Question, however, considered Cabinet Council not contemplated by the constitution, not even for executive, much less for judicial purposes. Origin of the practice of calling a Cabinet Council. Its tendency and effects. Mr. J. the first, if his allegation be true, who erected it into a Court for the purpose of deciding on the title to the batture, and on the mode of dispossessing its owner. Strong reasons to doubt the fact. If true, however, it is a violation of the constitution, and does not lessen the President's responsibility 3. The act in question and the practice under it, are violations of the The true construction of the act of 1807, so well understood at New 1. The United States not a party. Force of the objection granted, if they 2. The court had no legal cognizance of the cause, because the United States cannot be sued in any court without their consent. Answer to this argument anticipated, (p. 257.) The corporation of N. Orleans, by Mr. J's. own acknowledgment, were in possession of the batture, and might legally be sued 3. The court had no right to issue an injunction, to quiet a possession, or to try without a jury. These modes of proceeding belong exclusively to a court of chancery, and by the territorial ordinance, the judges of Page 241 247 250 251 257 ibid. 263 265 266 268 the superior court have only common law jurisdiction. Answer. This objection is a mere quibble, a play on the words "common law and chancery." Mr. J. acknowledges that the former do not mean the common law of England, but the common law of Louisiana, which is the Roman civil law. From this law, indeed, the English chancery proceedings have been borrowed, but it is not the less, on that account, the common law of the land. Injunction and quieting of possession, are among the ordinary forms of proceeding, and have proper Latin names in the civil law. A court may translate technical terms from Latin into English without exceeding its jurisdiction Answer to the objection that the Court proceeded without a jury-The judges, says Mr. J., shuffled themselves in the place of the jury. False and unjust accusation. Trial by jury unknown to the civil law. Act of congress directing that causes in the Territory of Orleans, shall be tried by a jury, if either of the parties require it. The defendants had full opportunity to demand a jury trial, but did not chuse to do it, and why? The president knew all these facts, and yet makes this serious charge in the face of them. Against men of his own appointment. Against men whom he calls respectable, and whom he knows to be so General recapitulation Under this view of the case, can the president justify himself by means of the plea of honest error? Answer: No. Because error in judgment does not in general excuse an executive or ministerial officer. It only excuses him when he is directed by law to act according to the result of his own opinion, and when there is no constitutional bar to his being invested with such discretionary power. But neither were the case in this instance, therefore, error in judgment is no excuse for the act complained of. Nor can any bad consequences arise from this responsibility But did the president, in this case, really err in judgment? If so, why Postscript. Judgment of the District Court of the United States for the Page 269 273 279 283 285 290 291 ERRATA. Since the last sheet of this number was printed off, the following Errata have been discovered, which are here noticed." Page 140, in note, for appendix No. III, read appendix No. IV. 169, line 11, for 4 Inst. read 2 Inst. Ib. lines 11, 12. for §. Riparum 4, read §4. Riparum. Ib. line 26, for § Præterea, 10 Inst. read § 20. Præterea, 2 Inst. Ib. line 31, for Demoulin, read Dumoulin. 176, line 34, for quase read quasi. 247, line 9, for The government, read 1. The government. MR. LIVINGSTON'S ANSWER. WHEN a public functionary abuses his power by any act which bears on the community, his conduct excites attention, provokes popular resentment, and seldom fails to receive the punishment it merits. Should an individual be chosen for the victim, little sympathy is created for his sufferings, if the interest of all is supposed to be promoted by the ruin of one. The gloss of zeal for the public is therefore always spread over acts of oppression, and the people are sometimes made to consider that as a brilliant exertion of energy in their favour, which, when viewed in its true light, would be found a fatal blow to their rights. In no government is this effect so easily produced as in a free republic: party spirit, inseparable from its existence, there aids the illusion, and a popular leader is allowed in many instances impunity, and sometimes rewarded with applause for acts that would make a tyrant tremble on his throne. This evil must exist in a degree; it is founded in the natural course of human passions-but in a wise and enlightened nation it will be restrained -and the consciousness that it must exist, will make such a people more watchful to prevent its abuse. These reflections occur to one, whose property without trial or any of the forms of law, has been violently seized by the first magistrate of the Union-who has hitherto vainly solicited an inquiry into his title, who has seen the conduct of his oppressor excused or ap plauded, and who, in the book he is now about to examine, finds an attempt openly to justify that conduct upon principles as dangerous as the act was illegal and unjust.-This book relates to a case which has long been before the public, and purports to be the substance of instructions prepared by Thomas Jefferson, late president of the United States, for his counsel in a suit inNo. XVIII. P stituted by me against him.-After four years* earnest entreaty, I have at length obtained a statement of the reasons which induced him to take those violent and unconstitutional measures of which I have complained. It would perhaps be deemed unreasonable to quarrel with Mr. Jefferson for the delay, when we reflect how necessary Mr. Moreau's Latin and Mr. Thierry's Greek, Poydras's elegant invective, and his own Anglo Saxon researches were, to excuse an act for which at the time he committed it he had no one plausible reason to allege. Such an act, certainly, is easier to perform than to justify, and Mr. Jefferson has been right in taking four years to consider what excuse he should give to the world for his conduct, and still more so in laying under contribution all writings, all languages, all laws, and in calling to his aid all the popular prejudices which his own conduct had excited against me. He wanted all this and more, to make a decent defence. But it was rather awkward to press into his service facts which it is confessed he did not know at the time, and something worse than awkward to impose on the public, as I shall shew he has, by false translations and garbled testimony. But we must excuse the late president; "his wish had rather been for a full investigation of the MERITS at the BAR, that the public might learn in that way, that their servants had done nothing but what the laws had authorised and required them to do;" and "PRECLUDED now from this mode of justification, he adopts that of publishing what was meant originally for the private eye of counsel.” I give the words of the author here, lest in this extraordinary sentence I should be suspected of having misrepresented or misunderstood him. An individual holding a tract of land under one whose title had been acknowledged and whose possession had been confirmed by a court of competent authority, is violently dispossessed by the orders of the president of the United States, without any of the forms of law and in violation of the most sacred provisions of the constitution; the ruined sufferer seeks redress, first by expostulation;-he offers to submit to the decision of indifferent men, and he is refused; he offers to abide by the sentence of men chosen by the president, and he is * See in my correspondence with the attorney general, page 14, the ineffectual entreaties I used to obtain a copy of his opinion and a statement of the reasons on which he acted. |