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thinks it is a compound of two words,. or, | perfection of glass, but of a light-blue tint;

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rather, combinations of sounds, common to many languages. "The WIG belonging to the head," he says, means the raised up, soft covering. In the perruque, or perri-wIG, the PRQ, or PR, means, I believe, the enclosure, as in park." When we smile at Julia's expression, " a colour'd periwig," we must recollect that, in Shakspere's time, the word had not a ludicrous meaning. False hair was worn, by ladies long before wigs were adopted by men. In a beautiful passage in 'The Merchant of Venice,' Shakspere more particularly notices this female fashion:

"So are those crisped, snaky, golden locks,
Which make such wanton gambols with the wind,
Upon supposed fairness, often known

To be the dowry of a second head,

The scull that bred them in the sepulchre."

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33 SCENE IV." Her eyes are gray as glass; statue or picture lying upon the coffin ;" and in

and so are mine."

The glass of Shakspere's time was not of the colourless quality which now constitutes the

one of the inventories of Henry VIII.'s furniture, pictures of earth, that is, busts of terra cotta, are recited.

ACT V.

35 THIS passage has much perplexed the commentators. Pope thinks it very odd that Valentine should give up his mistress at once, without any reason alleged; and consequently the two lines spoken by Valentine, after his forgiveness of Proteus,

"And, that my love may appear plain and free,
All that was mine, in Silvia, I give thee,"—

are considered to be interpolated or transposed. Sir W. Blackstone thinks they should be spoken by Thurio. In our first edition we suggested, without altering the text, that the two lines might be spoken by Silvia. A correspondent (J. J. Lonsdale, Esq.) had the kindness to supply us with an explanation which is preferable to our own suggestion. Our correspondent writes as follows:-" It appears to me that the lines belong, properly, to Valentine, as given in all the editions, and not to Silvia, as suggested by you. The error of all the previous commentators, and, as I think, the one into which you have fallen, is in understanding the word 'all' to be used by Shakspere, in the above passage,

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in the sense of 'everything,' or as applying to 'love' in the previous line; whereas it refers to 'wrath' in the line which immediately precedes the above couplet. The way in which I would read these three lines is as follows:—

"By penitence the Eternal's wrath 's appeas'd;

In

And that my love (i. e. for Proteus) may appear plain and free,

All (i. e. the wrath) that was mine in (i. e. on account of) Silvia, I give thee (i. e. give thee up-forego).'

other words, Valentine, having pardoned Proteus for his treachery to himself, in order to

convince him how sincere was his reconciliation

(justifying, however, to himself what he was about to do by the consideration that even

"By penitence the Eternal's wrath's appeas'd'), also forgives him the insult he had offered to Silvia.

The use above suggested of the preposition 'in' appears to me to be highly poetical. It distinguishes between Valentine's wrath on his own account, for Proteus's treachery to himself, and that of Silvia for the indignity offered her by Proteus, which latter Valentine

adopts and makes his own, and so calls his wrath in Silvia. The use of the word 'was' also supports this reading. Valentine wishes to express that his wrath was past: had he been speaking of his 'love' he would have said 'is.'"

But we originally expressed our belief that "after all, it might be intended that Valentine, in a fit of romance, should give up his mistress." Mr. Dyce observes, that the "O me, unhappy," of Julia, implies this renunciation, pointing out that in Lamb's 'Tales from Shakespeare' this is treated as an overstrained and too generous act of friendship." It is to be borne in mind that Valentine's conduct to Proteus has all along been that of confiding attachment. When he welcomes Proteus (Act II., Scene 4), he desires Silvia to

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"Confirm his welcome with some special favour." Valentine has been recognised as her "servant;" but Valentine says

"Sweet lady, entertain him, To be my fellow-servant to your ladyship." At this point, had not Proteus been betrothed to Julia with the knowledge of Valentine, Valentine would himself have committed the indiscretion of furnishing opportunity for the treachery of his friend. Remembering this, in the same spirit of a romantic friendship he may intend to say, in these ambiguous words that my love for Silvia may appear open to all, and free from disguise or secret preference, I give up my present position-I surrender my advantage-all that was mine I give thee. But in the strength of my love I have no fear to begin as we were: Be my "fellow-servant" again. This is not to give up Silvia, but to commence a new career of generous rivalry. When Julia is discovered, the implied rivalry is at an end:

""Twere pity two such friends should be long foes," says Valentine.

36 SCENE IV.-" Triumphs, mirth, and rare solemnity."

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"O, mighty Cæsar! Dost thou lie so low?

Are all thy conquests, glories, triumphs, spoils,
Shrunk to this little measure?"

In 'Titus Andronicus,' Tamora, addressing her conqueror, exclaims,

"We are brought to Rome, To beautify thy triumphs." In these two quotations we have the original meaning of triumphs-namely, the solemn processions of a conqueror with his captives and spoils of victory. The triumphs of modern times were gorgeous shows, in imitation of those pomps of antiquity. When Columbus, returning from his first voyage, presented to the sovereigns of Castile and Aragon the productions of the countries which he had discovered, the solemn procession on that memorable occasion was a real Triumph. But when Edward IV., in Shakspere (Henry VI., Part III.') exclaims, after his final conquest

"And now what rests, but that we spend the time.
With stately triumphs, mirthful comic shows,
Such as befit the pleasures of the court?"-

he refers to those ceremonials which the genius of chivalry had adopted from the mightier pomps of antiquity, imitating something of their splendour, but laying aside their stern demonstrations of outward exultation over their vanquished foes. There were no human captives in massive chains-no lions and elephants led along to the amphitheatre, for the gratification of a turbulent populace. Edward exclaims of his prisoner Margaret

"Away with her, and waft her hence to France!" The dread of Cleopatra was that of exposure in the Triumph:

"Shall they hoist me up, And show me to the shouting varletry Of censuring Rome?"

Here, then, was the difference of the Roman and the feudal manners. The triumphs of the middle ages were shows of peace, decorated with the pomp of arms; but altogether mere scenic representations, deriving their name from the more solemn triumphs of antiquity. But they were not masques, as Malone has stated. The Duke of York, in 'Richard II.,'

Malone, in a note on this passage, says, "Triumphs, in this and many other passages of Shakspere, signify masques and revels." This assertion appears to us to have been hastily made. We have referred to all the passages of Shakspere in which the plural noun "triumphs" asks, is used; and it appears to us to have a signifi- | "What news from Oxford? hold these justs and triumphs?"

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and for these "justs and triumphs" Aumerle
has prepared his " gay apparel." There is one
more passage which appears to us conclusive
as to the use of the word Triumphs.
passage is in Pericles :' Simonides asks,
"Are the knights ready to begin the triumph?"
And when answered that they are, he says-
"Return then, we are ready; and our daughter,
In honour of whose birth these triumphs are,
Sits here, like beauty's child."

The triumph, then, meant the "joustes of
peace."

The Duke of Milan, in this play, desires to "include all jars," not only with "triumphs," but with "mirth and rare solemnity." The "mirth" and the "solemnity" would include the "pageant "-the favourite show of the days of Elizabeth. The " masque" (in its highest signification) was a more refined and elaborate device than the pageant; and, therefore, we shall confine the remainder of this Illustration to some few general observations on the subject of " pageants."

We may infer, from the expression of Julia in the fourth act,

"At Pentecost,

When all our pageants of delight were play'd,"that the pageant was a religious ceremonial, connected with the festivals of the church. And so it originally was. (See 'Studies,' page 3.)

It is clear, from the passage in which Julia describes her own part in the "pageants of delight,"

"Ariadne passioning

For Theseus' perjury and unjust flight,"

that the pageant in the time of Elizabeth had begun to assume something of the classical character of the masque. But it had certainly not become the gorgeous entertainment which Jonson has so glowingly described, as "of power to surprise with delight, and steal away the spectators from themselves." The pageant in which Julia acted at Pentecost was probably such as Shakspere had seen in some stately baronial hall of his rich county.

COSTUME.

IN the folio of 1623, there are no indications | gentlemen of Italy, which has been made faof the localities of the several SCENES. The I notices, such as "An open Place in Verona, The Garden of Julia's House, A Room in the Duke's Palace, A Forest near Mantua," are additions that have been usefully made, from time to time. The text, either specially or by allusion, of course furnishes the authority for these directions.

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miliar to us by the well-known portraits of the contemporary monarchs, Francis I. and our own Henry VIII. He tells us that they wore a sort of diadem surmounted by a turban-like cap of gold tissue, or embroidered silk, a plaited shirt low in the neck with a small band or ruff, a coat or cassock of the German fashion, short in the waist and reaching to the knee, having sleeves down to the elbow, and from thence showing the arm covered only by the shirt with wristbands or ruffles. The cassock was ornamented with stripes or borders of cloth,

silk, or velvet of different colours, or of gold lace or embroidery, according to the wealth or taste of the wearer. With this dress they sometimes wore doublets and stomachers, or placcards, as they were called, of different colours, their shoes being of velvet, like those of the Germans, that is, very broad at the toes. Over these cassocks again were occasionally worn cloaks or mantles of silk, velvet, or cloth of gold, with ample turn-over collars of fur or velvet, having large arm-holes through which the full puffed sleeves of the cassock passed, and sometimes loose hanging sleeves of their own, which could either be worn over the others or thrown behind at pleasure.

Nicholas Hoghenberg, in his curious series of prints exhibiting the triumphal processions and other ceremonies attending the entry of Charles V. into Bologna, A.D. 1530, affords us some fine specimens of the costume at this period, worn by the German and Italian nobles in the train of the Emperor. Some are in the cassocks described by Vecellio, others in doublets with slashed hose; confined both above and below the knee by garters of silk or gold. The turban head-dress is worn by the principal herald; but the nobles generally have caps or bonnets of cloth or velvet placed on the side of the head, sometimes over a caul of gold, and ornamented with feathers, in some instances profusely. These are most probably the Milan

caps or bonnets of which we hear so much in wardrobe accounts and other records of the time. They were sometimes slashed and puffed round the edges, and adorned with "points" or "agletts," i. e. tags or aiguillettes. The feathers in them, also, were occasionally ornamented with drops or spangles of gold, and jewelled up the quills.

Milan was likewise celebrated for its silk hose. In the inventory of the wardrobe of Henry VIII., Harleian MSS., Nos. 1419 and 1420, mention is made of "a pair of hose of purple silk, and Venice gold, woven like unto a caul, lined with blue silver sarcenet, edged with a passemain of purple silk and gold, wrought at Milan, and one pair of hose of white silk and gold knits, bought of Christopher Millener." Our readers need scarcely be told that the present term milliner is derived from Milan, in consequence of the reputation of that city for its fabrication as well "of weeds of peace" as of "harness for war;" but it may be necessary to inform them that by hose at this period is invariably meant breeches or upper stocks, the stockings, or nether stocks, beginning now to form a separate portion of male attire.

The ladies, we learn from Vecellio, wore the same sort of turbaned head-dress as the men, resplendent with various colours, and embroidered with gold and silk in the form of rose leaves, and other devices. Their neck-chains and girdles were of gold, and of great value. To the latter were attached fans of feathers, with richly ornamented gold handles. Instead of a veil they wore a sort of collar or neckerchief (bavaro) of lawn or cambric, pinched or plaited. The skirts of their gowns were usually of damask, either crimson or purple, with a border lace or trimming round the bottom a quarter of a yard in depth. The sleeves were of velvet or other stuff, large and slashed, so as to show the lining or under garment, terminating with a small band or ruffle like that round the edge of the collar. The body of the dress was of gold stuff or embroidery. Some of the dresses were made with trains, which were either held up by the hand when walking, or attached to the girdle. The head-dress of gold brocade given in one of the plates of Vecellio is not unlike the beretta of the Doge of Venice; and caps very similar in form and material are still worn in the neighbourhood of Linz in Upper Austria.

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